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WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" 
IN SIBERIA 

COLONEL JOHN WARD, C.B. 



WITH 

THE "DIE-HARDS" 

IN SIBERIA 



BY 

COLONEL JOHN WARD 

C.B., C.M.G., M.P. 



NEW iLBr YORK 
GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY 






COPYRIGHT, 1920, 
BY GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY 



Mi -7 iy'iO 



PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 



©CU566910 



TO 

MY COMRADES 

Officers, N.C.O.'s and Men of the 

I 8th, 19TH, 25TH AND 26TH Battalions 

OF THE Middlesex Regiment 

Who, on sea and land, in sunshine 

and snow, so worthily upheld the 

traditional gallantry and honour 

of their people and country 



FOREWORD 

Originally written for the private use of my 
sons in case I did not return, this narrative of 
events connected with the expedition to Siberia 
must of necessity lack many of the necessary ele- 
ments which go to make a history. I wrote of 
things as they occurred, and recorded the reasons 
and motives which prompted the participants. 
Many things have happened since which seem to 
show that we were not always right in our esti- 
mate of the forces at work around us. Things are 
not always what they seem, and this is probably 
more evident in the domain of Eussian affairs 
than in any other. It would be comparatively 
easy to alter the text, and square it with the 
results, but that would destroy the main value of 
the story. 

The Statesman and the Soldier rarely write his- 
tory. It is their misfortune to make it. It is quite 
easy to be a prophet when you know the result. 
You can as a rule judge what a certain set of peo- 
ple will do in a certain set of circumstances, but 
where you deal with state policy which may be 
influenced by events and circumstances which 
have not the remotest connection with the ques- 
tion involved, it is impossible to give any forecast 

vii 



FOREWORD 

of their conduct on even the most elementary sub- 
ject. 

The recent tragic events played out in the vast 
domain of Siberia are a case in point. It is cer- 
tain that Admiral Kolchak would never have 
gone to Siberia nor have become the head of the 
constitutional movement and government of Rus- 
sia if he had not been advised and even urged to 
do so by the Allies. He received the most cate- 
gorical promises of whole-hearted support and 
early Allied recognition before he agreed to take 
up the dangerous duty of head of the Omsk Gov- 
ernment. Had these urgings and promises been 
ungrudgingly performed, a constituent assembly 
would be now sitting at Moscow hammering out 
the details of a Federal Constitution for a mighty 
Russian Republic, or Parliamentary system sim- 
ilar to our own. 

On the declaration of the Kolchak Government, 
General Denikin, General Dutoff, General Hovart, 
and the North Russian Governments made over 
their authority to Omsk. There was at once a 
clear issue, the Terrorist at Moscow, the Consti- 
tutionalist at Omsk. Had the Allies at this junc- 
ture translated their promises into acts, from 
what untold suffering Russia and Europe might 
have been saved ! 

The mere act of recognition would have created 
a wonderful impression on the Russian mind, in 
addition to giving the Allies a lever by which they 
could have guided the course of events and sta- 

viii 



FOREWORD 

bilised the Baltic. It would have given security to 
Russian Finance, and enabled trade relations to 
have commenced with the wealthiest part of the 
Russian Dominions. 

The reconstruction of Russia about which the 
Allies talk so glibly would have gone forward with 
a bound by natural means, which not even Allied 
bungling could have prevented. The Omsk gov- 
ernment could have got money on better terms 
than any of the Allies, because, accepted within 
the Comity of Nations, it could have given better 
security than any of them, even including Amer- 
ica. Europe would have been fed, Russia would 
have been clothed, and the world would have been 
saved from its greatest tragedies. All this and 
more would have naturally followed from the 
barest performance of our promises. 

We did worse than this. Breach of promise is 
only a negative crime, the Allies went to the other 
extreme. Their help took the form of positive 
wilful obstruction. The Japanese by bolstering 
up Semenoff and Kalmakov, and the Americans 
by protecting and organising enemies, made it 
practically impossible for the Omsk government 
to maintain its authority or existence. The most 
that could be expected was that both would see the 
danger of their policy in time to avert disaster. 
One did; the other left when the evils created had 
got beyond control. Kolchak has not been de- 
stroyed so much by the acts of his enemies as by 
the stupidity and neglect of his Allied friends. 

ix 



FOREWORD 

As the Bolshevik rabble again sweeps over Si- 
beria in a septic flood, we hear again the question, 
**How can they do so unless they have a majority 
of the people behind themT' I answer that by 
asking, * ' How did a one-man government exist in 
Russia from *Ivan the Terrible' to Nicholas 11?" 
Both systems are autocratic, both exist by the 
same means, *' Terror." There is, however, this 
difference : the autocracy of the Tsars was a nat- 
ural product from an early form of human so- 
ciety. The Bolshevik autocracy is an unnatural 
product, and therefore carries within itself the 
seed of its own destruction. It is an abortion, and 
unless it rapidly changes its character cannot 
hope to exist as a permanent form of organised 
society. It is a disease which, if we cannot attack, 
we can isolate until convalescence sets in. There 
is, however, the possibility that the patient during 
the progress of the malady may become delirious 
and run amok, for these more dangerous systems 
it would be well for his neighbours to keep watch 
and guard. This madness can only be temporary. 
This great people are bound to recover, and be- 
come all the stronger for their present trials. 

J. W. 

February, 1920 



CONTENTS 

CHAPTER ^^°^ 

I From Hong Kong to Siberia ... 17 

II Bolshevik Successes 35 

III Japan Intervenes ^ 

IV The Battle of Dukoveskoie and Krae- 

vesk ^^ 

V Japanese Methods and Allied Far- 
Eastern Policy 74 

VI Administration 81 

VII Further Incidents of our Journey . 101 

VIII Beyond the Baikal 113 

IX Omsk 130 

X Along the Urals 140 

XI What Happened at Omsk .... 154 

XII The Capture of Perm: The Czechs 

Retire from the Fighting . . . 171 

XIII The December Royalist and Bolshe- 

vist Conspiracy 175 

XIV A Bombshell from Paris and the Effect 182 
XV More Intrigues 190 

XVI Russian Labour 197 

XVII My Campaign 210 

xi 



CONTENTS 

CHAPTER PAGE 

XVIII Omsk Re-visited 228 

XIX In European Russia ... . . 233 

XX Making an Ataman ...... 259 

XXI Homeward Bound 262 

XXII American Policy and Its Results . 276 

XXIII Japanese Policy and Its Results . 287 

XXIV General Conclusions 297 

Index 305 



xu 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS' IN SIBERIA 



WITH THE 'DIE-HARDS'^ 
IN SIBERIA 



CHAPTER I 

FROM HONG KONG TO SIBERIA 

The 25th Battalion of the Middlesex Eegiment 
had already such a record of travel and remark- 
able experiences to its credit that it was in quite a 
matter-of-fact way I answered a summons from 
Headquarters at Hong Kong one morning in No- 
vember, 1917, and received instructions to hold 
myself and my battalion in readiness to proceed 
to a destination unknown. Further conferences 
between the heads of departments under the presi- 
dency of G.O.C. Major-General F. Ventris proved 
that the operations of the battalion were to be 
conducted in a very cold climate, and a private 
resident at tiffin that day at the Hong Kong Club 
simply asked me what date I expected to leave for 
Vladivostok. 

The preparations were practically completed 
when orders to cease them were received from the 
War Office at home followed by a cable (some time 

17 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

in January, 1918) to cancel all orders relating to 
the proposed expedition, so we again settled down 
in our far Eastern home quietly to await the end 
of the war, when we hoped to return to the Great 
Old Country and resume the normal life of its 
citizens. 

Things remained in this condition until June, 
1918, when we were suddenly startled with an 
order for half of my battalion stationed at Singa- 
pore to embark on the first ship available and join 
me at Hong Kong. This seemed to suggest that 
the truly wonderful thing called Allied diplo- 
macy had at last made up its mind to do some- 
thing. After a great deal of bustle and quite un- 
necessary fuss the whole battalion embarked on 
the Ping Suie on a Saturday in July, 1918. 

It should be remembered that my men were 
what were called **B one-ers,'^ and equipped for 
that duty, but since we arrived at Hong Kong 
Headquarters had called in most of our war ma- 
terial to replenish the dwindling supplies of this 
most distant outpost of the British Empire. Very 
little information could be gathered as to the kind 
of duty we might expect to be called upon to per- 
form and the ignorance of the Staff as to the na- 
ture of the country in which we were to operate 
was simply sublime. Added to this, most of the 
new material with which we were fitted was quite 
useless for our purpose. Those things which had 
been collected on the first notice of movement in 
1917 had been dispersed, and the difficulty of 

18 



FROM HONG KONG TO SIBERIA 

securing others at short notice was quite insur- 
mountable. 

The voyage was not remarkable except that one 
typhoon crossed our track not 10 miles astern, and 
for 18 miles we travelled alongside another. The 
heavy seas striking the ship nearly abeam caused 
her to roll in a very alarming manner. The 
troops had a very uncomfortable time and were 
glad to sight the coast of Korea and the calm 
waters of the sea of Japan. 

At Hong Kong many of the men including my- 
self had suffered much from prickly heat which 
had developed in many cases into huge heat boils. 
It was very strange how rapidly these irruptions 
cured themselves directly we reached the cool 
clear atmosphere of the coast of Japan. 

Elaborate preparations had been made for our 
reception, as we were the first contingent of Al- 
lied troops to arrive at Vladivostok. Two Japa- 
nese destroyers were to act as our escort from 
the lighthouse outside, but they were so busy 
charting the whole coastline for future possibili- 
ties that they forgot all about us until we had ar- 
rived near the inner harbour, when they calmly 
asked for our name and business. Early next 
morning, August 3, they remembered their orders, 
and escorted us to our station at the wharf, and 
passed the warships of the Allied nations gaily 
decorated for the occasion. 

At 10 a.m. a battalion of Czech troops, with 
band and a guard of honour from H.M.S. Suffolk, 

19 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

with Commodore Payne, R.N., Mr. Hodgson, the 
British Consul, the President of the Zemstrove 
Prava, and Russian and Allied officials assembled 
on the quay to receive us. As I descended the 
gangway the Czech band struck up the National 
Anthem, and a petty officer of the Suffolk unfurled 
the Union Jack, while the armed forces came to 
the present, and others saluted. Quite a pretty, 
interesting, and immensely impressive scene. The 
battalion at once disembarked, and led by the 
Czech band and our splendid sailors from the Suf- 
folk, marched through the town and huge crowds 
to a saluting point opposite the Czech headquar- 
ters, where parties of Czech, Cossack, and Eussian 
troops, Japanese, American, and Russian sailors 
were drawn up, all of whom, except the Japanese, 
came to the present as we passed, while Commo- 
dore Payne took the salute for the Allied com- 
manders, who were all present. 

Our Barracks were outside the town at Niloy 
ugol. They were very dirty, with sanitary ar- 
rangements of the most primitive character,, 
though I believe the local British authorities had 
already spent both time and money in trying to 
make them habitable. The officers^ accommoda- 
tion was no better, I and my Staff having to sleep 
on very dirty and smelly floors. A little later, 
however, even this would have been a treat to 
a weary old soldier. 

On August 5 I attended the Allied commanders ' 
council. Many matters of high policy were dis- 

20 



FROM HONG KONG TO SIBERIA 

cussed at this meeting, but one subject was of 
intense interest. General Detriks, the G.O.C. of 
the Czech troops, gave in reports as to the mili- 
tary situation on the Manchurian and Ussurie 
fronts. The Manchurian front was none too good, 
but the position on the Ussurie front could only 
be described as critical, and unless immediate help 
could be given a further retirement would be 
forced upon the commander, who had great dif- 
ficulty in holding any position with his small 
forces. The Ussurie force had recently consisted 
of some 3,000 indifferently armed Czech and Cos- 
sack troops. The day I landed a battle had been 
fought, which had proved disastrous, and resulted 
in a hurried retirement to twelve versts in the rear 
at Kraevesk. The Allied force, now reduced to 
about 2,000 men, could not hope to hold up for 
long a combined Bolshevik, German, and Magyar 
force of from 18,000 to 20,000 men. The Bol- 
shevik method of military organisation, namely, 
^'Battle Committees,'' which decided what supe- 
rior commands should be carried out, or rejected, 
had been swept away and replaced by the disci- 
plined methods of the German and Austrian offi- 
cers, who had now assumed command. Should 
another retirement be forced upon the Ussurie 
forces it could be carried out only with great 
loss, both in men and material. The next position 
would be behind Spascoe, with Lake Hanka as a 
protection on the left flank, and the forest on the 
right. If this could not be held then the railway 

21 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

junction at Nikolsk would be endangered, with ttie 
possibility of the communications being cut with 
other forces operating along the Trans-Baikal 
Railway and at Irkutsk. Under these circum- 
stances, the council decided that there was nothing 
left but to ask for authority from the War Office 
to send my battalion forward at once to the 
Ussurie front to render what assistance was possi- 
ble. I naturally pointed out that my battalion was 
composed of Bl men; that most of them had al- 
ready done their bit on other fronts, and that a 
few weeks before I had had about 250 general 
service men in my ranks, but on a blundering sug- 
gestion of the G.O.C. at Singapore they had been 
taken from my unit and transferred to other units 
doing garrison duty in India. I had protested 
against this at the time, but had been overruled 
by London, so that my command was reduced to 
men of the lowest category. However, after mak- 
ing this statement I informed the council that, in 
view of the desperate circumstances in which the 
Ussurie force was placed, I would render every 
assistance in my power. 

About two p.m. Commodore Payne, R. N., came 
to my quarters and showed me a paraphrased 
cable he had received from the War Office. The 
cable authorised the immediate dispatch of half 
my battalion to the front, subject to the approval 
of the commanding officer. They might have 
plucked up courage enough to decide the matter 
themselves, instead of putting the responsibility 

22 



FROM HONG KONG TO SIBERIA 

"upon the local commander. As it was, however, 
left to me, I gave the necessary orders at once. 
That very night, August 5, I marched through 
Vladivostok to entrain my detachment. It con- 
sisted of 500 fully-equipped infantry, and a ma- 
chine-gun section of forty-three men with four 
heavy type Maxims. Leaving my second in com- 
mand, Major F. J. Browne, in charge of the Base, 
I marched with the men with full pack. The four 
miles, over heavy, dirty roads, were covered in 
fair time, though many were very exhausted, and 
at the end of the march I found myself carrying 
four rifles ; other officers carried packs in addition 
to their own kit. 

The train was composed of the usual hopeless- 
looking Russian cattle trucks for the men, with 
tiers of planks for resting and sleeping. A dirty 
second-class car was provided for the Command- 
ing Officer and his staff, and a well-lighted first- 
class bogey car of eight compartments for the 
British military representative, who was merely 
travelling to see the sights. When I got to the 
front I found a first-class car retained by every 
little officer who commanded a dozen Cossacks, 
but I proudly raised the Union Jack to denote the 
British headquarters on the dirtiest and most di- 
lapidated second-class contraption that could be 
found on the line. But, of course, we meant busi- 
ness ; we were not out for pleasure. 

I was advised before I started from Vladivos- 
tok that Nikolsk, the Junction of the Manchurian 

23 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

and central Siberian railways was the most im- 
portant strategical point on the South Siberian 
end of the line, and that though the position on 
the Ussurie was pretty hopeless and that re- 
tirement might take place at any moment, we were 
not to retire below Nikolsk under any circum- 
stances. The place to which we were to retire and 
take up a new position had been already decided, 
it was a line just below Spascoe, with Lake Hanka 
on the left and a line of forest-covered mountains 
on the right. 

We arrived at Nikolsk in the early morning, but 
the platform was crowded with inhabitants and 
two guards of honour, Czech and Cossack, with 
band, which mistook **Rule, Britannia,'' for the 
National Anthem. I was introduced to all the 
officers, the British Vice-Consul, Mr. Ledwards, 
and his energetic wife. Breakfast was served to 
the men by the other corps, and my officers en- 
joyed the hospitality of the good Consul and Mrs. 
Ledwards. Then a march through the town to 
show the inhabitants that the long-sought-for 
Allied assistance had really arrived at last. 

It appears that a very sanguine French officer 
had travelled over the line some months previous- 
ly and had made lavish promises of Allied sup- 
port, which accounts, perhaps, for my previous 
orders received at Hong Kong the latter end of 
1917. The Allies had decided to make a much 
earlier effort to reconstruct the Russian line 
against their German enemies, but, like all Allied 

24 



FROM HONG KONG TO SIBERIA 

efforts, their effective action had been frustrated 
by divided counsels and stupid national jealousies. 

It was the prospect of Falkenhayn, with the 
huge army of half a million men, flushed with 
their recent easy victory over Roumania, being 
freed for employment on the French front, that 
caused our hurried, over-late expedition to Si- 
beria. If the effort had been made at the right 
time, the Russian people and soldiery would not 
have become so demoralised and hopeless, and 
millions of lives would have been saved from un- 
told tortures. A famous statesman once sternly 
admonished his colleagues for their fatal policy 
of doing nothing until it was too late ; in this case 
he also cannot free himself from censure. 

Here at Nikolsk was recently fought an im- 
portant battle between the Czechs and the Terror- 
ists, and we were shown a series of photographs 
of horribly mutilated Czech soldiers who had 
fallen into the hands of the Bolshevik army as 
prisoners of war. By a section of the people at 
home the Bolsheviks are thought to be a party of 
political and democratic idealists; when one is 
brought face to face with their work, they prove 
to be a disgusting gang of cut-throats, whose sole 
business in life appears to be to terrorise and rob 
the peasant and worker and make orderly govern- 
ment impossible. 

At many other stations we met with a cordial 
welcome. At Svagena, which is the last fairly 
large town before Kraevesk, the station without 

25 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

a town very near the range of hostile artillery, 
quite a full-dress programme was gone through 
by the Czech band and the Czech and Cossack 
soldiers, ending with a short march past, and 
speeches by the English and Russian commanders. 
My speech was made along the lines of my instruc- 
tions, which were mostly to this effect : We Brit- 
ishers had entered the territory of Holy Russia, 
not as conquerors, but as friends. The Bolshevik 
power had made a corrupt and dishonourable 
compact with their German masters, by which 
the territories of their Motherland, Russia, had 
been torn from her side, and a huge indemnity 
wrung from her people. Under German pressure 
the Bolshevik Soviet power had armed the re- 
leased German and Austrian prisoners of war, 
and by means of this alien force was terrorising 
the Russian people and destroying the country. 
The Allies looked upon the Bolshevik power as 
a mere hireling branch of the autocratic German 
menace, and, as such, the enemies of British and 
Russian democracy alike. We came to help to 
resurrect and reconstruct the orderly elements of 
Russian life, and promised that if they would 
join us in this crusade we would never cease our 
efforts till both our enemies were utterly de- 
feated. And here the soldiers of the two nations 
made their pact, and, though it was not an official 
utterance, it had official sanction. My troops re- 
tired to quarters at Spascoe, which I had made my 
forward base. 

26 



FROM HONG KONG TO SIBERIA 

Next morning, August 7, with my interpreter, 
Lieut. Bolsaar, I visited Kraevesk, and had a long 
consultation with the commander at the front, 
Captain Pomerensiv. I personally examined the 
line right up to the outposts, and eventually it 
was agreed that I would send forward 243 men 
with four Maxims to take up a position towards 
what I considered to be the threatened part of 
our right flank. As I was senior officer, Captain 
Pomerensiv handed the command of this front 
over to me, promising all help. 

Once in the saddle, I asked for intelligence re- 
ports from all directions, and found it impossible 
for the enemy to make a frontal attack down the 
narrow space of the railway, flanked as it was on 
both sides by impassable marshes. The enemy 
centre was at Shmakovka, from which the Czechs 
had been forced to retire. That day he had, how- 
ever, been observed moving a company of about 
180 men with three machine guns along the road 
towards Uspenkie, a small town situated on our 
extreme right front. After consultation with 
Captain Stephan, Czech commander, and Ataman 
Kalmakov, commanding the Cossacks, I decided to 
take the necessary steps to destroy this recently- 
formed outpost. Ataman Kalmakov had that 
morning announced to me his intentions to leave 
my front and make a wide detour on the right be- 
hind the hills and join his Cossack friends at 
Iman. I discovered that he was dissatisfied with 
the want of enterprise hitherto shown on this 

27 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

front, and had decided to make a raid *'on his 
own *' on the rear of the enemy. But the moment I 
stated my intention to mop up Uspenkie he fell 
into line, and forgot all about his previous ill 
humour. He took up an advanced position at 
Olhanka, reconnoitred the Uspenkie position the 
next day, and unmasked the Bolshevik formation, 
with a loss of two horses and a Cossack badly 
wounded. From his observations I formed my 
plans. 

My scheme was to advance , one company of 
Czech troops from Khamerovka to Olhanka, the 
Ataman's most forward post on my right front 
where they were to prepare a small entrenched 
camp. I would advance 200 infantry with two 
machine-guns the first night from Kraevesk to 
Khamerovka. 

The next day I ordered 200 men to entrain from 
Spascoe to Kraevesk to act as a reserve. They 
were to march by night to Khamerovka, and oc- 
cupy the place of my f orw^ard party, which would 
advance by night and join the Cossacks and Czech 
troops at Olhanka. I would be with the advanced 
group and make a daylight examination of the 
post to be attacked, and be joined at night by my 
second detachment from Khamerovka. By this 
means I should have had 400 British rifles, a 
machine-gun section of forty-three men with four 
Maxims, a company of Czech infantry of about 200 
men, and last, but by no means least. Ataman 
Kalmakov with about 400 Cossack cavalry, or a 

28 



FROM HONG KONG TO SIBERIA 

total of about 1,000 men. I ordered the two roada 
along which any reinforcements for the enemy 
post must pass to be patrolled at night and closely 
observed during the day. I had drawn my plan 
of attack, and the first stage of the operation had 
been executed, when I was brought to a sudden 
standstill by a piece of fussy interference. 

There was no linguist in my battalion capable 
of speaking Russian sufficiently well for my pur- 
pose, hence I had to seek the services of an agent 
of the British Military Representative at Vlady. 
This agent returned to Vlady directly the neces- 
sary arrangements for the attack had been com- 
pleted. I ought to have compelled him to remain 
with me, but as he appeared to favour the pro- 
posed forward movement I did not scent any dan- 
ger to my purely defensive policy. He did not 
wait until he had reported to the Military Repre- 
sentative, but when only half way telegraphed 
from Nikolsk warning me that in his opinion this 
forward movement should not take place, as he 
had already received important information that 
altered the entire situation. I ignored the inter- 
ference of an understrapper, but a few hours 
later received definite instructions from the Polit- 
ical Representative that I was to stand purely on 
the defensive, and not move an inch beyond my 
present position. I was compelled to accept the 
instructions, but was disgusted with the decision. 
It proved to me in so forcible a way what I had^ 
never seen before, how impossible it is for a man 

29 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

at a distance, however clever he may be, to decide 
a military problem, limited in locality, and isolated 
as this case was, from questions of public policy, 
for if the one purpose of a force is the protection 
or maintenance of a limited front, the man on the 
spot only can be the judge of what is necessary 
for this purpose. 

My actual plan of operations was very simple. 
Having assembled my force at Olhanka, I should 
at dusk have occupied the roads leading from 
Shmakovka to Uspenkie, and from Uspenkie to 
the Monastery by cavalry, thus making it impos- 
sible for enemy reinforcements to reach the post 
to be attacked under the cover of night. My own 
troops together with the Czech company would 
have approached the position from the South, and 
during the hours of darkness have taken up a 
line within rifle and machine gun range. At day- 
break fire would have been opened from such 
cover as could be obtained and, while our eight 
machine gunners barraged the post, the infan- 
try would have advanced rapidly on the South 
front at the same time as the Cossacks charged in 
from the rear. The result would have been as 
certain as anything in war could be, as, since then, 
I have met the Bolshevik in open fight and I am 
convinced this small effort might have had decisive 
political and military influence in Eastern Siberia. 
But the Politicals in uniform are not always noted 
for daring, and in this ease were very timorous, 
and our position grew worse from day to day. 

30 



FROM HONG KONG TO SIBERIA 

I made the best dispositions possible in view 
of my cautious instructions, and soon every man, 
British, Czech, and Cossack, was imbued with a de- 
termination to baulk the enemy's eastward am- 
bition at all costs. The numbers I had brought to 
their assistance were nothing compared with the 
influence of the sight of the poor, frayed, and dirty 
Union Jack that floated from my headquarters, 
and the songs of the Tommies round the mosquito 
fires in the bivouac at night. These two things to- 
gether changed the whole atmosphere surround- 
ing the valiant, ill-fed, and ill-equipped Czech sol- 
diers. 

The day following the night I had fixed for the 
destruction of the enemy outpost, two companies 
of enemy infantry and three guns marched out of 
Shmakovka, as a reinforcement to the debatable 
position. I watched through my binoculars their 
slow movement along the dusty road, judged what 
the enemy's intentions were and knew also that I 
was powerless to prevent them. He quickly placed 
his guns in position, and the following day sent a 
few trial shots at Kalmakov's position at Olhanka, 
and, getting the range, ceased fire. About eleven 
p.m., the flash of guns was observed on our right, 
which continued until midnight. At 12 :30 the field 
telephone informed me that the Czech company I 
had pushed forw^ard, together with Kalmakov's 
Cossacks, had been shelled out of their positions 
at Olhanka, and were returning along the Khame- 
rovka and Runovka roads. I disregarded the im- 

31 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

perative instructions I had received from Vlady 
not to move and advanced my detachment by a 
midnight march to occupy a position where I could 
protect the bridges and cover the retreat of our 
friends. Had I failed to perform this simple sol- 
dierly duty we should have placed ourselves in a 
ridiculous position in the eyes of our Russian 
and Czech comrades. But though I acted against 
orders, I think under the circumstances I was fully 
justified in doing so. 

The Czech company retired safely behind the 
river at Khamerovka, and Kalmakov's Cossacks 
took up a new position at Runovka, where he could 
still hang on to the skirts of the enemy and keep 
constant observation upon his movements. I re- 
tired to a bivouac of branches and marsh grass, 
behind a lookout hill, where for a fortnight I car- 
ried on a constant warfare against infected 
waters, millions of mosquitoes, without transport, 
tents, nets, or any of the ordinary equipment re- 
quired by such an expedition. I admit that my 
ignorance of the conditions which might be ex- 
pected to prevail in Siberia was colossal, but so, 
also, was that of those whose duty it was to have 
made themselves acquainted with the situation. 
At Hong Kong I had suggested that we might find 
tents useful; the proposal was turned down, either 
because there were none or because they were re- 
garded as quite unnecessary. I timidly asked 
whether I should require mosquito nets, and well 
remember the scorn with which the Chief of Staff 

32 



FROM HONG KONG TO SIBERIA 

greeted my question. ^^Who ever heard of mos- 
quitoes in SiberiaT' Well, the fact is that while 
there are a few in the tropics, there are swarms 
of these pests all over Siberia. In the tropics 
their size prevents them from doing much dam- 
age, except as malarial carriers. In Siberia they 
take the shape of big, ugly, winged spiders, which 
will suck your blood through a thick blanket as 
well as if you had nothing on. They had a knack 
of fixing themselves in one^s hair below the cap, 
and raising swollen ridges round your head un- 
til it was painful to wear any head-gear at all. 
My wrists were puffed out level with my hands, 
and if you slept you woke unable to open your 
eyes. The absence of any protection wore out 
the patience and nerves of the men, until the 
searching Bolshevik shells were accepted as a 
welcome diversion. 

No blame was attached to my chiefs. I was 
fully equipped as a Bl garrison battalion, and as 
such I was despatched to Vlady. I was sent to 
Vlady to perform one duty, but on arrival was at 
once called upon to carry out quite another prop- 
osition. I had to perform the duty of a first- 
line service battalion with the personnel and 
equipment of second-grade garrison troops. 
Whether those with whom the order originated in 
London knew the nature, of the duty I do not 
know; but it is dangerous to send British troops 
of any category to the actual scene of operations 

33 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

and expect them to stand idle, uninterested spec- 
tators of the struggles of their friends. They 
should either keep away or go ready for all emer- 
gencies. 



34 



CHAPTER II 



BOLSHEVIK SUCCESSES 



The outflanking movement by the enemy which 
I had anticipated from the day I first took over 
the command, and which I had made my plans 
to counteract, was now in full swing, but so far 
no damage to our main position had been effected. 
General Detriks visited the front and informed 
me that the Allied Council had chosen Major Pi- 
chon, of the French detachment which was timed 
to arrive next day, to take over the command of 
this front. After a personal inspection, he ex- 
pressed himself as satisfied with my dispositions, 
and suggested that I should still retain the com- 
mand, and that he would see the decision relating 
to Major Pichon's appointment was reconsidered, 
in view of the changed conditions. But I could 
see that a revision of the Allied CounciPs resolu- 
tion might affect French amour propre, and place 
both Council and commander in an anomalous po- 
sition. I therefore requested General Detriks to 
take no steps to alter the resolution of the Allied 
Council, that I would gladly serve under Major 
Pichon, or any other commander elected by the 
Council; that British prestige was too well estab- 

35 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

lished to consider such trifles, and that the only 
reason for our presence was to help our Czech 
and Russian friends. He, however, pointed out 
that it was impossible to allow a British colonel 
to serve under a French major and that my com- 
mand must be considered quite an independent 
one. 

Major Pichon arrived on August 18, 1918, and 
I formally handed over the command. He asked 
me to consider myself as jointly responsible for 
the operations on that front, and said we should 
from time to time consult together as to any 
action that might be necessary. I found him both 
polite and considerate and most anxious to meet 
the wishes of the several parts of his command; 
in fact, he was a gentleman it was a pleasure to 
meet and work with. His battalion commander, 
Major Malley, was equally urbane, and together 
I think we made a very happy combination. 

The outstanding personality on this front was 
Captain Stephan, the commander of the 8th Czech 
Battalion. Originally a brewer of Prague, on the 
outbreak of war he had been compelled to join the 
Austrian army. He had done his duty as a sol- 
dier of that effete Monarchy, been captured by the 
Russians, and while a prisoner of war had been 
liberated by the revolution. He was one of the 
men who organised their fellow exiles, and offered 
their services to France and the Allied cause, 
believing that in the success of England ^s arms 
was to be found the liberation of their beloved 

36 



BOLSHEVIK SUCCESSES 

Bohemia. I asked him why he had offered his 
services to France; his answer and that of his 
compatriots was always the same : 

**It is to great England we always look to as 
our saviour, but the German armies are in France, 
and to meet our enemies on the field of battle was, 
and always will be, the first ambition of every 
Czech soldier, for if England says we are a na- 
tion, we know we shall be. ' ' 

I must say I felt flattered by the almost child- 
like confidence which Pole, Czech, and Eussian 
had in the name and honour of England. "We are 
undoubtedly the only nation represented on this 
front and in Siberia generally against whom not 
one word of suspicion is directed. I naturally 
expected that France, having in pre-war days, 
allied herself to Eussia, her prestige would be 
very great, but from the closest observation of all 
ranks of Eussian society, I think it would be im- 
possible to say which was most suspected in the 
Eussian mind, France, America, or Japan. The 
presence of French soldiers, and the politeness 
of the French officers, may do much to generate 
a warmer feeling in Eussia towards France. The 
presence of the soldiers of the Eising Sun, and 
the manners and general attitude of her officers 
towards the Siberian population (if persisted 
in) will result in changing fear to universal hate. 

On the afternoon of his arrival, an important 
movement of enemy forces on our right front 
caused Major Pichon to ride through my bivouac, 

37 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

when lie was formally introduced to the officers 
and men under my command. Later he informed 
me that he did not consider the movement suffi- 
ciently important to make any change in our dis- 
positions necessary. Towards dusk Captain Ste- 
phan, accompanied by his adjutant, rode up, and 
reported an important movement of enemy forces 
towards Eunovka, our solitary remaining position 
on the opposite side of the river, which formed 
the natural defence and limit of our right flank. 
Again I was asked to move forward to render 
such assistance as might be necessary in case our 
right were forced to retire across the river. We 
marched forward in the darkness with the flash 
of the Bolshevik guns lighting up the way, but 
as their attention was entirely directed to our 
outpost at Eunovka, we were as safe as if we 
had been in Hyde Park. The Czechs have a fatal 
preference for woods as a site for defensive 
works, and selected a wood on the left flank of the 
road for my position. I rejected their plan, and 
chose a position about 200 yards in front of the 
wood at a point where the roads cross, and a fold 
in the ground and the tall marsh grass almost en- 
tirely hid us from the observation post of the 
enemy. Millions of mosquitoes, against which we 
had no protection whatever, attacked us as we be- 
gan to entrench, but officers and men all worked 
with a will, and by dawn we had almost completed 
probably the best system of field works so far con- 
structed on this front. How we wished we might 

38 



BOLSHEVIK SUCCESSES 

see the enemy advance over the river and attempt 
to deploy within range of our rifles ! He had by 
vigorous artillery fire driven our remaining Czech 
company across the river, and so had become com- 
plete master of the other side. 

It was here that a second chance came to deal 
effectively with this attempt to outflank our entire 
position. A sudden dash across the bend of the 
river in the northeastern corner of Khamerovka 
on to the unprotected line of enemy communica- 
tions would have resulted in a complete frustra- 
tion of enemy plans, with a fair prospect of his 
decisive defeat. I even suggested this, but had 
to confess that I had moved forward twice, con- 
trary to imperative orders, and that unless I 
chose to run the risk of a court-martial, if not dis- 
missal, I could not join in the attack, though I 
would come to the rescue. This was too ambigu- 
ous for the other leaders, and the opportunity was 
allowed to pass. 

Shortly after I met an old tramp with his pack 
and handed him over to my liaison officer. He 
could not very well detain him, as he had already 
in his possession a Czech and French passport, 
but afterwards I much regretted that I had not 
perforated his papers with a bullet as they rested 
in his breast pocket. He tramped along the road, 
and my sentries deflected his course away from 
the trenches, but he saw my men scattered about 
in the wood behind, and at daybreak the enemy 
artillery began to spatter the wood with a plenti- 

39 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

ful supply of shrapnel and shells. One dropped 
within twenty yards of myself and officers whilst 
at breakfast, pitching just under a tree, which it 
lifted into the air in a truly surprising manner. 
The number of shells the enemy wasted on that 
wood proclaimed an abundant supply of ammu- 
nition, some of which was of German make. To 
this persistent shelling we had nothing to reply, 
and at last from sheer exhaustion the enemy fire 
died down. With darkness he began again, and 
the feeble reply of three small mountain guns 
which we knew were with the Eunovka Cossacks 
outpost indicated an attack developing in that di- 
rection. The unequal duel continued intermittent- 
ly until two a.m., when the field telephone told me 
that Eunovka had been abandoned, the Czechs 
retiring across our front and Kalmakov's Cos- 
sacks retiring over the river lower down and tak- 
ing up a position at Antonovka, on our extreme 
right rear. 

This meant that our whole defensive positions 
were completely turned, and the next enemy move 
would place him near our lines of communication. 
This was not our only difficulty. Until two days 
previous we had been able to give an occasional 
shot in return for the many sent towards us. Then 
the Bolshevik gunners found the mark on the 
two guns whose duty it was to prevent an advance 
along the railway, and our two and only field guns 
were called in to fill the gap, leaving the infantry 
without artillery protection. I cabled to Coromo- 

40 



BOLSHEVIK SUCCESSES 

dore Payne, E.N., who commanded H.M.S. Suf- 
folk at Vladivostok, informing him of our critical 
position, and asked him to send such artillery as- 
sistance as was possible. The Commodore was 
as prompt as is expected in the Navy. In an in- 
credibly short space of time he fitted up an ar- 
moured train with two 12-pounder naval guns and 
two machine guns, and despatched them express 
speed to my assistance, with a second similar train 
following behind, the whole being under the com- 
mand of Capt. Bath, E.M.L.I. It is scarcely possi- 
ble to describe the feeling of relief with which our 
exhausted and attenuated forces welcomed this 
timely aid from our ever-ready Navy. It enabled 
us to bring the two Czech guns into position and 
keep down the fire of the enemy, and have a sense 
of security in that our rear was safe in case retire- 
ment should be forced upon us. It put new heart 
into the men, though they never showed the slight- 
est sign of depression in spite of their many dis- 
comforts. The British soldier certainly offers the 
most stolid indifference to the most unfavourable 
situations. 

The Bolshevik leaders were not long in showing 
their hand. They remained silent during the fol- 
lowing day, but at night they began to shell from 
their new position in Runovka itself, selecting as 
the site for their two batteries the hill on which 
the Orthodox church stood, and using the Greek 
tower as their post of observation. 

About 9 :30 a.m. an enemy armoured train 

41 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

moved slowly forward from Shmakovka, followed 
by four others, who directed flank fire at my posi- 
tions. The shells all plunked into the marsh 
about 400 yards short, affording much amusement 
and causing many caustic Cockney comments. 
Next came a troop train, which gave us great 
hopes of a real attack developing on our front, 
but our naval 12-pounders on the SujfoWs ar- 
moured train began to do good practice, and a 
shot registered on the front enemy engine caused 
volumes of steam to burst from her sides, and 
great consternation suddenly appeared amongst 
the trains' personnel. The naval gunners did not 
seem inclined to lose the mark, and so the whole 
attempt fizzled out, and the trains steamed back 
to shelter. 

The two old Czech field guns, which had been 
repaired by H.M.S. Suffolk's artificers at Vlady, 
were wheeled into position behind a fold in the 
ground on our right rear, and began a duel with 
the two enemy batteries at Runovka. This duel 
was most entertaining. The enemy artillery 
searched our wood and works, and the line of trees 
occupied by the French was plentifully sprayed 
with shrapnel ; but they failed to locate our guns, 
or get anywhere near them, or even to cause a 
single casualty to either man or horse. During 
the night a peasant gave the guns ' position away, 
and in the early morning exchanges one gun came 
to grief. The other then changed position, and the 
duel became still more interesting. By skilful 

42 



BOLSHEVIK SUCCESSES 

manoeuvring the gun was brought much nearer, 
and at once got the range to a nicety. It placed 
every shot so near the mark as to rouse the in- 
fantry's obvious excitement to fever heat, and 
finally planted a shell right in the enemy's ob- 
servation tower, setting it on fire, and burning it 
to the ground. By placing four shells near to 
hand, and working like Trojans, the Czech gunners 
fired four shots so rapidly as to deceive the enemy 
into the belief that four guns were now opposing 
them, and after about two hours of this relay work 
the enemy batteries were beaten to a frazzle, and 
retired from the unequal contest with two guns 
out of action. It was simply magnificent as a dis- 
play of really efficient gunnery. There is no doubt 
the enemy had intended to make an effort to cross 
the river at Runovka, and that his artillery had 
been placed with a view to protecting the passage 
of his troops. The young Czech gunnery lieuten- 
ant by his strategem with one solitary field piece 
had made this plan appear impossible to the enemy 
commander. Never was deception more complete. 
Having felt our right flank and found it too 
strong, the enemy continued his movement to- 
wards our right rear. He could only do this with 
safety by correctly anticipating our strategy. He 
took our measure to a military fraction. He saw 
that though he offered the most tempting bait, we 
made no effort to move forward to snap it up, 
and doubtless came to the conclusion that we were 
chained to our positions by either dearth of num- 

43* 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

bers or military incapacity. In the last stage of 
his movement his communications stretched for 
twenty-three miles along our flank with three 
posts of just over one hundred men to protect his 
supply trains. If he is still alive he may have a 
poor opinion of the ability of his opponents. His 
antagonists were ready to deal him a death blow 
at any moment from the day he occupied Uspen- 
Me, until he crossed the river before Antonovka. 
He and his column were only saved by orders 
from Vladivostok. 

For two days no movement was observable in 
the enemy lines, and it began to look as though 
he would or could not take full advantage of his 
extremely favourable position. 

I had waged an unequal contest with millions of 
mosquitoes while trying to sleep in a field tele- 
phone hut made of rough branches and marsh 
grass. The Czech soldier who acted as operator 
had helped me as much as possible, but at last, in 
desperation, I got up and walked about until the 
wonderful colouring in the East heralded another 
glorious Siberian summer day. The bluey, purple 
pall had given place to a beautiful orange-tinted 
yellow, such as I had never seen before. The 
sentry prodded a sleeping Tommy who had a huge, 
black frog sitting on the highest point of his damp, 
dewy blanket, and a bugle glistening by his side. 

The sleeper awoke, and after washing his lips at 
the tank sounded the soldiers' clarion call, ^^The 
Beveille. ' ' Instantly the whole bivouac was alive, 

44 



BOLSHEVIK SUCCESSES 

but scarcely had the bugle notes died away when 
the telephone buzzer began to give forth a series 
of sharp, staccato sounds. The Czech operator 
gave a quick ejaculation, like '*Dar! Dar! Dar!'' 
looking more serious as the sounds proceeded. 
He then calmly hung up the speaking tube on the 
tree that supported our home, and began to ex- 
plain to my interpreter, Lieutenant Belsaar, the 
message just received. It was that Major Pichon 
wished to see me at his headquarters at once in 
reference to the serious position at Antonovka. I 
mounted my horse Nero, which was a present from 
Captain Pomerensiv on handing over his com- 
mand, and soon arrived at Kraevesk, where I 
heard the full story of the surprise at Antonovka. 
From Major Pichon I gathered that Ataman 
Kalmakov, with his Cossacks, had taken up a po- 
sition on the high ground in the village of Anto- 
novka, keeping touch with the French on his left 
and a company of the 5th Battalion of Czechs on 
his right, who guarded the road to Svagena. He 
had posted sentries in the usual way during the 
night, but the enemy, in large numbers, had crept 
between them, and when the alarm was given Kal- 
makov found some thirty of his men already 
wounded or dead and his machine-guns in enemy 
hands. Most of his troops were in a cul-de-sac, 
and had to charge a high fence and by the sheer 
weight of their horses break a way out. Kalma- 
kov, with a few Cossacks, tried to re-take the guns 
with a superb charge, but though he got through 

45 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

himself lie lost more men, amongst whom was a 
splendid fellow, his second in command, named 
Berwkoff, who was greatly loved by us all. 
A Magyar soldier, seeing Kalmakov with his Ata- 
man banner being borne by his side, took a point- 
blank shot at the Cossack leader's head, but for- 
got the high trajectory of the old Russian rifle, 
and the bullet only grazed the top of his head and 
sent his papaha into the mud. His banner-bearer 
could not see his leader's cap left thus, and 
jumped off his horse to rescue it. Raising the cap 
from the ground, he found himself facing the 
bayonet of the same Magyar soldier. He had no 
time to draw, so with a mighty sweep, sword in 
scabbard, he felled the Magyar to the ground. 
He had not time to despatch him, being barely 
able to get away. The Czech company was retir- 
ing slowly towards Svagena, and the Cossacks, 
while keeping in touch with the enemy, were re- 
tiring towards the railway in our rear. This was 
a very startling situation, and required immedi- 
ate action if we were not to be caught in a trap. 

We both decided that a retirement was the only 
alternative to being completely surrounded. 

We there and then drew up the orders neces- 
sary to make our retirement both methodical and 
orderly. The Czechs were to retire first, past 
my lines, and entrain at Kraevesk, followed by 
the English and the French, who were to bring up 
the rear, which was to be covered by the English 

46 



BOLSHEVIK SUCCESSES 

armoured train, assisted by the machine-gTin sec- 
tion of the Middlesex Eegiment, under Lieut. 
King. So the evacuation of our splendid position, 
regretfully began. 



17 



CHAPTER in 



JAPAN INTERVENES 



It should be remembered that directly it was 
decided by the Paris Council that a diversion 
through Russia was the surest way of relieving 
pressure on the French front, the English appar- 
ently decided to be first in. 

Though Japan was in much the most favourable 
position to send help quickly, she was known to 
have German commitments of such a character as 
precluded her from taking the lead in what was 
at that time more an anti-Teutonic than pro-Rus- 
sian expedition. Her Press was, and had been 
all through the War, violently pro-German, and 
however much the Tokio Cabinet might wish to re- 
main true to the Anglo-Japanese Treaty, it was 
forced to make a seeming obeisance to the popular, 
feeling of Japan. If it had only been an English 
expedition, Japan *s hand would not have been 
forced, but the American cables began to describe 
the rapid organisation by the U.S.A. of a powerful 
Siberian expedition, which gave the Japanese gov- 
ernment ample justification (even in the eyes of 
her pro-German propagandists) to prepare a still 
larger force to enable her to shadow the Ameri- 

48 



JAPAN INTERVENES 

cans, and do a bit of business on her own. Sev- 
eral months earlier Japanese suspicions had been 
aroused by the despatch to Siberia of an alleged 
civilian railway engineering force to help Russia 
reorganise her railways, and the immense benefit 
that this force had admittedly conferred on the 
Far Eastern populations was acknowledged on all 
sides. But the very success of American enter- 
prise in this beneficent direction had created in the 
minds of the Japanese a doubt as to the wisdom 
of allowing free play to American penetration. 

Japan hurried forward her preparations, and a 
few days after I had taken over the Ussurie com- 
mand her 12th Division, under the command of 
General Oie, landed at Vladivostok. He at once 
established his headquarters at Nikolsk, and 
his Chief of Staff, General Kanaka, took up his 
position behind our lines at Svagena, using us as a 
screen for the deployment of his command, which 
had already begun. 

Major Pichon informed me that he had tele- 
phoned the Japanese general at Nikolsk, de- 
scribing the new situation on our front, and ask- 
ing him to move up sufficient forces from Svagena 
to protect our right. I went to my wagon to get 
breakfast. A little later Major Pichon informed 
me that the Japanese commander had asked us to 
suspend our retirement, as he was moving up from 
Svagena a battery of artillery and one battalion 
of infantry, who would re-establish the position 
at Amtonovka, on our right rear, from which we 

49 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

need not. fear any further danger. In consequence 
of this message I ordered my men to reoccupy 
their old positions, and by 9 :30 we had carried out 
the orders of the Japanese coromander. 

Having got back into our old position, we in- 
quired the direction of the Japanese advance, that 
we might, if necessary, co-operate with their move- 
ment, and to our utter consternation were in- 
formed that the Japanese had not started, and had 
no intention of doing so ; that we must take what 
steps were necessary for our own safety, but if we 
retired at all we were to fall back behind their 
lines, and I suppose, take no further part in the 
operations. 

The first promise of help and its countermand- 
ing had placed us in an extremely dangerous situ- 
ation. We had left our positions once, and noth- 
ing but the want of vigilance on the part of the 
enemy had enabled us to reoccupy them without 
fighting. Our movements must have been seen, and 
though he had not understood them till too late to 
take full advantage the first time, that he would 
allow us to get away so easily the second time 
seemed to us to be very unlikely. In fact, it ap- 
peared as though we had been sacrificed to give a 
clear field for some manoeuvre or purpose which 
we could not understand. 

Our conference was a very urgent one, and for 
a time Major Pichon thought it best to hang on 
to our positions and trust to someone making an 
effort for our relief. Had British or American 

50 



JAPAN INTERVENES 

troops been collecting in our rear, we should not 
have hesitated a moment to remain, for we would 
have been certain of immediate help. 

We knew that a battalion of Czech infantry had 
been moved up from Svagena towards Antonovka 
to threaten the enemy's outflanking columns, and 
that this battalion had made it a dangerous pro- 
ceeding for the enemy to close in on our rear. 
Hence we decided to withdraw certain units to 
Svagena, the remainder to retire to a position at 
Dukoveskoie, and make a new line from the rail- 
way through that village, and link up with the 
Czech troops who had marched to our assistance. 
They would thus become the extreme right of our 
new line. 

This movement would enable the Japanese 12th 
Division at Svagena to continue their deployment 
behind our screen, and if the enemy continued his 
outflanking tactics would involve the Japanese in 
the fighting. 

The retirement was carried out as arranged in 
perfect order, with the loss of very little material, 
and not more than a dozen men taken prisoners. 
The French were the last to entrain. The whole 
movement was covered by the two armoured 
trains with four 12-pounders sent up from H.M.S. 
Suffolk, under the command of Captain Bath, 
R.M.L.I. Before retiring the bluejackets blew 
up the bridge on our front, and otherwise de- 
stroyed the line in a very workmanlike manner. 
If we had been supported, the retirement was 

51 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

quite unnecessary. It was the result of lack of 
confidence in our Allies after the first let-down. 

The new line was held as follows : On the left 
of the railway one Company of Czech Infantry. 
Two British armoured trains occupied the rail- 
way, and a Middlesex Machine Gun Battery of 
four Maxims occupied the right, while the wooded 
slope leading to Dukoveskoie was held by the 
French, and a Battalion of Japanese Infantry ex- 
tended beyond the village. The right of the vil- 
lage was very sparsely held by a reduced bat- 
talion of the 5th Czech Regiment, and Kalmakov 's 
Cossacks. The whole being under the personal 
command of Major Pichon. 

The enemy quickly repaired the bridges and the 
line, and within forty-eight hours his armoured 
trains were observed moving cautiously into 
Kraevisky, my old headquarters. Simultaneous- 
ly his patrols advanced from Antonovka, and 
came into touch with Kalmakov 's scouts on the 
right, and three days from our retirement his 
advanced elements were testing our line from end 
to end. 

On the morning of August 22 the Japanese 12th 
Division began to move up from Svagena to Du- 
koveskoie and deploy immediately behind the new 
line. As is usual in all Japanese tactics, they 
pushed their right out far beyond the enemy po- 
sitions, and early in the evening began to envel- 
ope his left with their usual wide turning move- 
ment. Their right was supported by two heavy 

52 



JAPAN INTERVENES 

batteries, and from the centre, near Dukoveskoie 
Church, their units now acting as a reserve were 
in position before sunset. Large bodies of Japa- 
nese troops were in bivouac immediately behind 
the centre of the village near their headquarters 
ready to deploy in either direction. 

On the evening of August 22 orders were re- 
ceived to push forward the observation post of 
our armoured trains, to a spot indicated, which 
proved to be 600 yards ahead of our positions, and 
near enough to be easily raided from the enemy 
lines. Lieutenant T. E. King, my M.G. officer, 
was at the same time ordered to move forward 
two Maxims, with a reduced company of Czech 
infantry in support, to protect this advanced post. 
The night was enlivened by constant skirmishes 
between the British and Terrorist patrols until 
about 8 :30 a.m., when it was noticed that the Jap- 
anese patrols on the right had quietly retired 
without giving any notice of their intention, and 
the enemy were in position on the plain for an 
attack, and had already unobservedly advanced 
along a ridge to within a hundred yards of the 
outpost. The movements of the enemy were ob- 
servable only from the main lookout, from which 
orders were already on the way gradually to with- 
draw the party to a position nearer the lines. Be- 
fore the order could be delivered the enemy at- 
tacked. Lieutenant King proceeded to withdraw 
the guns alternately, working the foremost gun 
himself, but defective ammunition frustrated his 

53 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

effort. He gallantly tried to restart the gun, but 
the enemy were now npon him, and he had no 
alternative but to retire without the gun. The 
small naval party in the advanced lookout were 
practically surrounded, but under petty officer 
Moffat, who was in charge, they managed to get 
out, with the enemy on their heels. This party was 
saved by a Marine named Mitchel, who, seeing 
Moffat in difficulties, dropped on his knee and 
faced his pursuers. Their fire was erratic, but his 
was cool and accurate, and after three or four 
rounds the Magyars kept their heads well down 
in the long marsh grass, which allowed the party 
to escape. The result of this skirmish, however, 
allowed the enemy armoured train to advance to 
a point dangerously near our defensive works, 
which, with a little more enterprise and determi- 
nation, he might have easily enfiladed. But 
though the enemy train had mounted a 6-inch gun 
our 12-pounder navals were too smartly handled 
to allow any liberties to be taken. This was the 
situation on the morning that the Japanese 12th 
Division began to deploy behind the new Allied 
line at Dukoveskoie. 

About three p.m. on August 23 I asked my 
liaison officer, Colonel R. Antonivitch Frank, to 
accompany me towards the front line, as I had 
heard rumours of large concentrations of the ene- 
my, who, elated with this small initial success, 
seemed determined to dispute our possession of 
the village of Dukoveskoie. I arrived in time to 

54 



JAPAN INTERVENES 

witness a duel between one of our Suffolk ar- 
moured trains and a rather spirited fellow of the 
same sort on the other side. The Bolshevik shells 
would persist in dropping to the right of our 
train on the road on which Colonel Frank and I 
were sitting our horses, so we decided to dis- 
mount and send the animals out of range, while 
we boarded the train and enjoyed the contest. One 
of our 12-pounders went groggy, and obliged us 
to retire slightly, but we dare not go back far as 
the Terrorist train had all the appearance of fol- 
lowing, and would soon make short work of our 
infantry, which were occupying very indifferent 
trenches near the railway. Captain Bath saw the 
danger and steamed forward, firing rapidly, shells 
bursting all round his target, which so bewildered 
his opponent that he soon turned tail and retired 
to safety. I applied to the Japanese commander, 
General Oie, through Major Pichon, that directly 
it was dark our trains might be allowed to return 
to Svagena, to shunt the injured gun to the rear 
train. About seveli p.m., while preparing to re- 
turn for this purpose, a few sharp rifle-cracks 
were heard near the centre of the line. These re- 
ports grew rapidly in volume, and now became 
mixed up with the bass pop, pop of machine-guns. 
The rolling sound of conflict spread from the cen- 
tre along the whole right front. Till now it had 
been exclusively a small arms fight. At this point 
the Bolshevik artillery began to chime in, fol- 
lowed by the Japanese and Czech batteries. The 

55 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

lovely Siberian summer night became one huge 
booming, flashing inferno, terrible, but intensely 
attractive. The silent, tree-clad mountains to 
right and left vibrated with the music of battle, 
while shell and shrapnel screeched like frightened 
ghouls over the valley below, where white and yel- 
low men were proving that there is no colour bar 
to bravery. This lasted about two hours, and 
then died away almost as rapidly as it began. 

Our trains, which had remained to take a hand 
in the business, if necessary, steamed slowly back 
to Svagena, and I turned into my wagon for the 
night. After the usual battle with the mosquitoes, 
I fell asleep, but it seemed as though I had only 
slept a few minutes when a banging at the door 
announced a visitor, who turned out to be a Staff 
captain from the Japanese Headquarters with an 
urgent message for the Commander of the Re- 
serves at Svagena, who with great ceremony hand- 
ed me the following order of the day: 



Officer Commanding Reserves. 
Operation Order by 

Lieutenant- General S. Oie, 

Commanding 12th Division, Svagena. 

August 23, 1918. 

1. All enemy attacks were driven back to-day; we gain two 
machine guns and five captives. 

2. The Allied troops will attack the enemy, inflicting upon 
them an annihilating disaster to-morrow, the 24th August. 

3. The Japanese troops will attack the enemy, starting the 
present line at three o'clock, the 24th, morning. 

4. The reserve British, French, Kalmakov's forces, and a 

56 



JAPAN INTERVENES 

few Japanese companies will be under the command of Japa- 
nese Colonel Inagaki will arrive at the northwestern side of 
Diikoveskoie at two o'clock to-morrow morning. 

(Signed) S. Oie, Lieut.-General, 
Commanding 12th Division. 



57 



CHAPTER IV 

THE BATTLE OF DUKOVESKOIE AND KEAEVESK 

I LOOKED at my watch, and called the Japanese 
officer's attention to the fact that the time was 
1:45 a.m., and that Dukoveskoie was four miles 
distant. Although he could speak perfect Eng- 
lish he held out his hand and with a profound bow 
pretended not to understand the point of my ob- 
servation. It was, in point of time, simply impos- 
sible to arouse the British, Czech, Cossack, and 
Japanese detachments and march four miles in 
the middle of the night in fifteen minutes; but I 
had lived long enough in the East to know that 
the Oriental never sets a European impossible 
tasks without a good reason from his own point of 
view. I despatched orderlies to each detachment 
with definite instructions to be ready to move at 
once. The Japanese refused to move or even get 
out of their tents. The Czechs were enjoying a 
much-needed rest, and refused to budge, while 
Kalmakov's Cossacks remained asleep beside 
their horses. 

Ataman Kalmakov was at Vladivostok and his 
second in command was dismissed on his return to 
Vladivostok for refusing to obey my orders, as the 

58 



DUKOVESKOIE AND KRAEVESK 

Ataman was most anxious that his men should be 
always in the fighting line wherever it might be. 
Captain Clark, M.C., reported the 25th Middlesex 
as ready to march, transport and all complete, 
twenty-five minutes after receiving the order. 

To make doubly sure there was no mistake, I 
called personally upon the Japanese officer who 
point blank refused to either arouse or move his 
men in accordance with his own Headquarters' 
order. I am bound to admit that from that mo- 
ment I had a suspicion that the order of General 
Oie was so much Japanese camouflage, and that it 
was not intended that we should take any part in 
the immediate operations. 

I also determined to frustrate this attempt to 
exclude the Allies from participation, and gave 
the order to my own men to move. 

Our road for about two miles lay alongside the 
railway, after which the sodden nature of the 
ground and the danger of losing direction in the 
darkness forced me to take to the railway again. 
About a mile and a half along the track brought 
us to our armoured trains, where we were to pick 
up our Machine-gun Section, which was to act 
with us if necessary or remain as a reserve or 
rallying point in case of need. Except for the 
sentries, the train crews were asleep. They were 
almost within rifle range of our place of assembly. 
I halted my men and roused Captain Bath to 
inquire if he had received instructions as to his 
part in the coming battle. He informed me that 

59 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

he had received a telephone message from General 
Oie (through Major Pichon) which he could not 
understand and had asked for it to be repeated. 
He thereupon produced the message, which was 
to the effect that a battle would commence at 3 
a.m., but that the British armoured trains and the 
British troops were not to be allowed to take any 
part in the impending engagement. On the pro- 
duction of the actual message I began to under- 
stand why the order of battle had been given to 
me too late for me to be at the rendezvous with 
Colonel Inagaki, and the refusal of the units of 
my command to march with me. These instruc- 
tions to Captain Bath from the Japanese Head- 
quarters explained the riddle. I gave Captain 
Bath instructions to move forward in my support 
in case of need and to watch the proceedings gen- 
erally, to render aid to any Allied detachment 
which might be in difficulties, but otherwise to 
obey General Die's orders, and this duty he per- 
formed with complete satisfaction to the com- 
manders of the French and Czech detachments. 
My rear being arranged, the men of the 25th 
were ordered to move forward in file on each side 
of the railway track to the point selected for our 
rendezvous. The time was now 3:25 a.m., and 
the dull light of dawning day enabled us to dis- 
tinguish moving objects 400 yards away. A scout 
came back to report the presence of cavalry on 
the left, but in the early morning haze we could 
not make out whether it was friendly or enemy. 

60 



DUKOVESKOIE AND KKAEVESK 

I moved my troops to the opposite side of the rail- 
way embankment and prepared to receive their 
charge. I then despatched my liaison officer, Colo- 
nel Frank, forward to discover their strength and 
character. He quickly returned with the infor- 
mation that the cavalry was Japanese, moving 
into position on our extreme left. I reformed my 
men and advanced towards my position as or- 
dered, ninety minutes behind time. I halted and 
examined the ground, but saw nothing of Colonel 
Inagaki or any of the detachments on the spot se- 
lected for our assembly. Standing on the line I 
saw the foremost enemy armoured train about 
400 yards ahead and their outpost giving the 
alarm. No shot had so far been fired, but I gave 
the order to load. 

At this stage an incident happened which put 
an end to the hitherto silent advance of the at- 
tacking army. In the act of loading a rifle went 
off accidentally. This soldier was standing just 
behind me, and I ordered Captain Browne to ex- 
amine and report. As he did so the rifle went off 
again, and that began the battle. A puff of white 
smoke, and an instant later a 5-inch shell burst 
over our heads. The men opened out into the 
corn and scrub, and I dismounted, while the ad- 
vance continued. Taking my servant 's rifle I led 
the way. The enemy must have anticipated the 
spot of our rendezvous, for it was ploughed with 
shells from end to end. The first pitched just 
under the centre of a peasant's cottage. A mo- 

61 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

ment later cottage and peasant were no more. 
The heavy purple pall hung on the ground and 
had we been on the spot selected this description 
would have been written by other hands than 
mine. By the increasing light and the aid of my 
glasses I was able to make out the entire scheme 
of the advance, which was a continuous line from 
one mile on the left of the railway, extending to 
about ten miles on our right, except for a space 
of about 100 yards on each side of the line, which 
was unoccupied, as I afterwards learnt, being 
thought too exposed and dangerous for an ad- 
vance. Unable to find anyone to direct my move- 
ments, on my own initiative I decided to fill this 
vacant space in the line, making it continuous, 
and move forward with the Japanese army to the 
attack. Disposing my men in the shelter of the 
scrub on either side, I directed their movements 
from the centre of the railway. There was an 
ugly moment when a Maxim situated in a cornfield 
began to fire point blank at a range of 100 yards, 
but a Czech outpost entrenched quite near made it 
so hot for the gunner that after firing about 150 
rounds he slipped out and scooted, leaving a well- 
placed gun and 5,000 rounds, all belted, behind. 
We now advanced over the trenches of the Czech 
and French, who, like our armoured trains, had 
been ordered to take no part in the advance. It 
was while near these trenches a grey-coated Mag- 
yar, 400 yards away, took deliberate standing aim 
at myself. This is a most difficult shot, and I felt 

62 



DUKOVESKOIE AND KRAEVESK 

quite safe, but though the Magyar missed me he 
killed a Czech soldier -^ve yards to the left, the 
bullet entering the centre of his forehead just 
over the nose. About sixty shots answered his, 
and he sank across the rails. When we reached 
him he lay, with many others, quite dead. Cap- 
tain Clark picked up his rifle and bandolier, and 
used it with good effect upon the retreating 
enemy. 

There is no doubt that if we had failed to get 
into position under the cover of darkness we 
would have had the greatest difficulty in making 
any headway along the railway except with very 
heavy casualties. As before observed, the end 
armoured car had a 6-inch gun, but it was mount- 
ed so high that the whole platform could be swept 
with rifle fire. The reason for the high mounting 
was to enable two machine guns to be worked 
along the track from the bed of the car under the 
heavy gun. If they could have seen our advance, 
they would have easily smashed it, but we got 
within 400 yards before they knew we were there. 
By concentrating all fire on the end of the car we 
swept the platform clear, and perforated the body 
beneath with such a hail of bullets that nothing 
could live, and so put every gun which could be 
brought to bear along the track out of action. By 
this means the most dangerous point of our ad- 
vancing line became the safest, and we accom- 
plished our purpose without a single casualty. 
Five enemy armoured trains were on the line dis- 

63 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

puting every inch of the way, but their shrapnel 
was either too high or exploded so far behind the 
front line that, though it made havoc amongst 
the laggards, it had but little effect upon those 
who kept well to the front. The battle was now 
joined at all points and nearing the decisive mo- 
ment. 

In the centre by skilful manoeuvring a Japanese 
5-inch battery had taken up a position actually 
in front of the general infantry advance. Such 
daring deserved to succeed, and in this case it did 
beyond all expectations. The point selected was 
a thin group of trees which gave a view of the 
railway from the left, across the plain to Krae- 
vesk, and enabled the leading enemy trains to be 
shelled almost from the flank. The infantry, while 
still going methodically forward, were receiving 
far too much attention to feel comfortable, and 
Japanese soldiers were putting tufts of grass and 
leaves in front of their caps to hide the red band, 
which made an excellent target for riflemen and 
machine gunners. Occasionally one would rub a 
handful of mud around the tell-tale thing ; experi- 
ence soon taught the Japanese soldiers the danger 
of a little colour. It was just ding-dong open 
fighting, wonderfully spectacular in character. 
Then a shell burst plunk under the line behind 
the two foremost enemy trains, which made re- 
treat impossible. Desperate efforts were made to 
repair the line, but well-directed rifle and light 
machine-gun fire made this impracticable. An- 

64 



DUKOVESKOIE AND KRAEVESK 

other well-placed shell dropped just under the 
gunners' quarters on the front train, and instant- 
ly the car was enveloped in flames. In turn it 
spread to the gun carriage, which was untenable 
from the rifle fire which was sweeping the plat- 
form. This proved a complete catastrophe for the 
enemy, who from their positions on our extreme 
left and centre had a full view of the slaughter 
around the doomed trains. Their nerves were 
completely shattered, their fire became spasmodic 
and erratic, and then among the trees on a hill to, 
the left appeared a white flag. 

That flag was too late. The Japanese cavalry 
shot out in file as a straight extension of our left. 
Having come parallel with the farthest group of 
resistance, they right-turned, and instantly swept 
up the slope in a beautiful line and forward over 
all resistance, white flag and all. They took no 
prisoners. 

My men were only ^^B One-ers," and the pace 
was beginning to tell; still, they were leading 
owing to the fact that our advance was along the 
railway and the usual tracks at the side, while 
the Japanese had to contend with the marshes and 
woods farther away. I therefore ordered a rally, 
•and advanced only with such troops as could be 
reasonably expected to keep the line. This party 
numbered about sixty, and included Captain 
Clark, the Padre, Captain Eoberts, Lieutenant 
Buckley, and my Czech interpreter Vladimir, 
R.S.M. Gordon, Sergeant Webb, who, I am sorry 

65 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

to say, died a few days later at Spascoe, Colonel 
Frank, my liaison officer (Russian army), and 
rank-and-file. With this party we advanced with- 
in fifty yards of part of the burning train, amid 
a shower of debris from the exploding shells 
stored in its magazine. The second train looked 
quite deserted, and therefore, beyond examining 
the ammunition cart of a 5-inch gun left derelict 
in the road, and counting ten rounds of unfired 
ammunition, we passed Avithout molestation up 
the railway embankment on the way to Kraevesk. 
We had passed the trains and left them about 
200 yards in our rear when we were startled by 
rapid rifle fire behind us. On looking round we 
were astonished to see spiteful jets of smoke issu- 
ing from both sides of the uninjured train directed 
against thick bunches of Japanese troops who 
were passing along the same track over which we 
had just advanced. Even the Eastern tempera- 
ment has limits to its serenity. For a moment the 
Japs were completely off their guard ; but they 
soon recovered, and, dropping flat in the grass, 
they opened a brisk fusilade. Magyars were pro- 
tected by the plated sides of their wagons, and 
were making sad havoc amongst the soldiers of 
the Rising Sun. Taking in the situation at a 
glance, a Japanese officer gave the order to 
charge. Every man instantly bounded forward, 
and, like a disturbed nest of ants, they swarmed 
all over the train, stabbing, clubbing, and bayonet- 
ing every Bolshevik they could get at, and tos»- 

66 



DUKOVESKOIE AND KRAEVESK 

ing their dead enemies out of the carriages off 
their bayonets with the same motion as if they 
were shovelling coal. Then they posted a sentry 
on the highest part of each train, and the gun in 
the road, and called them their trophies of war. 
My great regret was that no Bolshevik was left 
ahve to tell us the reason why they allowed about 
sixty English officers and other ranks to pass un- 
molested at point-blank range of forty yards, and 
only began to fire when the Japanese soldiers 
came under their rifles. Many explanations were 
given at the time, none of which seemed to me 
quite satisfactory, so the mystery remains. 

It was here that a polite request was made 
that the British detachment should not keep so 
far ahead of the other troops, but I was anxious 
to keep well ahead for an important reason. The 
Bolsheviks had ravaged and tortured both young 
and old, rich and poor, male and female, through- 
out the country till their very name stank in the 
nostrils of the common people. Their blood lust 
had been so great that when they had no Russian 
peasant to torture they fell back on the poor un- 
fortunate Czech soldiers who had fallen as pris- 
oners of war into their hands. Many authentic 
cases of this kind are so revolting in character 
that it is better to keep them in the dark rather 
than advertise how fiendishly cruel men can be 
to one another. I know that the Czechs had 
threatened to retaliate. The incident of the white 
flag previously recorded may have had something 

67 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

to do with the same sentiment, thongh I can 
scarcely think it had. I, however, decided that 
the more humane rules of war should apply so 
far as I was concerned, and I soon had a chance 
of making a demonstration of my views before 
the whole army. A fugitive Bolshevik soldier had 
escaped from the Japanese cavalry and started 
to make his way across our left front in an at- 
tempt to join the retreating Bolshevik trains. Ex- 
hausted by the heavy going of the marsh, he had 
dropped for cover and rest. The Japanese line 
was fast approaching the spot where he had taken 
shelter, so he raised himself from the grass and 
began to run. I levelled my rifle, but misjudged 
the distance, and he took no notice. I took aim at 
a point over his head, and he dropped in the grass 
so suddenly that Colonel Frank thought I had 
killed him. A;s we approached the spot his black 
hair showed up above the green, and I took aim 
again, but did not fire. I informed Colonel Frank 
I wanted the man if he would surrender to be an 
example of how a prisoner of war should be treat- 
ed. Colonel Frank shouted to the man to sur- 
render. The man shouted back that the Japanese 
killed all prisoners. He was then informed that 
I was an English officer, and if he would surrender 
I guaranteed his life unless he had committed 
some greater crime than merely fighting as a Bol- 
shevik soldier. He made no further parley, but 
almost ran to me as for protection. I was stand- 
ing on the embankment, in full view for miles ; it 

68 



DUKOVESKOIE AND KRAEVESK 

was easy to see the whole incident. I took Ms- 
rifle with fixed bayonet and bandolier and fifty 
rounds from him. His papers showed him to be 
a demobilised Eussian soldier. I placed him un- 
der a guard of two men with orders to see him 
safely to the rear. Time after time demands were 
made to his gniards to allow the murder of the 
prisoner. But those two British bayonets made 
his life as safe as though he had been in Trafal- 
gar-square. I could tell by the atmosphere which 
the incident created that our Allies thought this 
regular conduct wholly out of place on a battle- 
field, but it fulfilled its purpose, and surrenders 
were accepted during the further operations. 1 
Our progress was now very rapid, and except 
for a few bursts of shrapnel which continued to 
fly harmlessly over the front ranks and injure 
such as were far behind, we approached our old 
station, Kraevesk, easily. As to the method from 
the military point of view of approaching this 
place, the less said about it the better. A single 
company of British troops would have held up the 
whole show and inflicted losses on the attackers 
out of all proportion to the object gained. The 
stuffing, however, was completely knocked out of 
the Bolshevik army, and the advance took more 
than the form of beaters driving big game. Hav- 
ing previously reconnoitred the whole ground, 
I again chose the railway for my party. The Jap- 
anese swarmed up through the wooded slope on 
the right. I chose the railway because I knew 

69 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

the shallow cutting has a slight curve which would 
give a safe line of approach to the station, situ- 
ated about 300 yards behind this low-lying hilL 
The Japs advanced through the wood in masses, 
huge bunches of men without regular formation. 
On rounding the curve I saw an enemy armoured 
train about 400 yards distant. A Bolshevik offi- 
cer walked leisurely out of our old headquarters, 
and put one foot on the step of the engine, looking 
straight at myself standing on the line. I took a 
bee-line on him with a rifle. I do not believe I 
hit him, but I was near enough to make him skip 
quickly into the engine shelter. A flash from the 
leading gun, and a 2-inch shell passed so close to 
my head that I fell into the 4-foot way, and felt 
the top of my skull to find out if it was still there. 
This shell exploded about 100 yards behind me 
and mortally wounded two Japanese and injured 
several others. The machine-guns on the train 
now swept the wood where the Japanese were ad- 
vancing with such effect that for a few moments 
there was a regular stampede back over the brow 
of the hill. My party had taken cover in the scrub 
on the left, and I crawled on hands and knees in 
their direction. I found a deep dyke at the foot 
of the cutting covered with high weeds, and into 
this I rolled. Gradually raising my head over the 
thistles, I rapidly potted the gunner, and my party 
did the same. The Japanese had recovered from 
their first shock, and began to open fire on the 
train, which steamed slowly back to the far end 

70 



DUKOVESKOIE AND KRAEVESK 

of the station, when it came to a standstill and 
pumped shrapnel and lead along our front. 

We had got far ahead of our artillery, so it be- 
came a contest, rifle versus armoured train. On 
the left of the station was a thick log store, and 
keeping that between ourselves and the armoured 
train we crept into the station and began to fire at 
close range at the gunners, whose heads appeared 
above the sides of the armoured carriages. The 
Japanese used a red-brick cottage for a similar 
purpose on the other side, while others tried to 
outflank the train and cut off its retreat. The offi- 
cer in charge detected this manoeuvre, and, using 
all his guns, he retired behind the hill, and later 
was reported as steaming towards Shmakovka. 
We took possession of the station, and near our 
old headquarters found a hut with the Bolshevik 
officers' breakfast, with potatoes cooked to a nice- 
ty on the fire. These were looted by Colonel 
Frank and R. S. M. Gordon. The sun was very 
hot, the time about 8 :30 a.m. We had fought over 
very difficult country for twelve miles ; we sat on 
the crossing of the railway, and the potatoes were 
very good. By some hopeless blunder the Jap- 
anese cavalry had been ordered to close in from 
the flank on this station instead of the next, so 
we lost the huge bag of prisoners which were 
waiting to be captured. The Japanese cavalry 
commander sat down and sampled my potatoes, 
but he lost the culminating stroke of the whole 
movement This small minor action proved to be 

71 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

one of the most decisive of the war; it destroyed 
the whole Terrorist army east of the Urals. 

I was ordered by General Otani to remain in 
reserve, and returned to my base at Svagena to 
find the proverbial Inck of my battalion had been 
maintained. The Japanese had over 600 casual- 
ties, some of which occurred close to my men, but 
not a man of the 25th was hit. We had many 
cases of complete prostration, but (in view of the 
category of my unit) not more than was to be 
expected, considering the strenuous month's work 
they had undergone. One and all behaved like 
Englishmen, the highest eulogy that can be passed 
upon the conduct of men. 

General Oie sent a letter of special thanks to 
the Officer Commanding the British unit for their 
great services in the engagement. At 4:25 p.m., 
August 28th, I received the following informa- 
tion from the General Headquarters : 

1. On August 26 the Division had occupied the heights sit- 
uated at the north of Shmakovka. The inhabitants reported 
the enemy had left there between nine and twelve in the night 
of August 24 by eleven trains, the strength of which was about 
5,000 men ; 2,000 men retired by road from Uspenkie. The Di- 
vision bivouacked at Shmakovka. 

2. On the 27th the enemy continued their retreat to the 
north of the River Ussurie, and no enemy could be seen to the 
Bouth of it, though nine railway bridges out of ten between 
Shmakovka and Ussurie had been destroyed, and a few days 
would be required to repair them. The Ussurie railway bridge 
is not damaged, and on the night of 26th, after a small de- 
tachment had occupied it, one company of infantry has rein- 

72 



DUKOVESKOIE AND KRAEVESK 

forced. Against the enemy on Lake Hanka, which was knowm 
to have gone down the river with gunboats, one company of 
infantry has been despatched to the right bank of Ussurie, 
east of Shmakovka, 

3. The Di\dsion remains at the present position, and pre- 
pares to move forward on the 28th. 



73 



CHAPTER V 

JAPAN13SE METHODS AND ALLIED FAR-EA9TEEN POLICY 

This completed the Ussurie operations, for tlie 
battle was absolutely decisive. The enemy were 
entirely demoralised, and never made another 
stand east of Lake Baikal. 

The Japanese for their own peculiar reasons, 
as will have already appeared, had decided in the 
early stages of the operations that the Maritime 
provinces were their special preserve. They 
looked with the greatest suspicion upon the 
Forces and efforts of the other Allies, especially 
British and American, and by their orders tried 
deliberately to exclude them from their counsels, 
and as far as possible from the administration of 
the territory recovered from the Terrorists. The 
27th Battalion of American Infantry had landed 
at Vladivostok a few days before the Battle of 
Dukoveskoie, promises were made that they 
should be hurried forward to take a share in the 
fighting, but the Japanese who controlled the rail- 
way saw to it that they arrived a day late. In- 
stead of pushing them ahead, they were detrained 
at Svagena and then entrained again from day 
to day, always about fifty versts behind the Jap- 

74 



ALLIED FAR-EASTERN POLICY 

anese front. In addition the Japanese never 
trusted their Allies. No order to the Japanese 
Army was ever given to the Allied Commanders 
until the operation had been carried out, or had 
got to such a stage, as to make it impossible for 
them to take part or offer suggestions. Captain 
Stephan (now Major in the Czech Army) and 
myself knew every road and track from Shma- 
kovka to Svagena, and were certain that with 
proper care the whole enemy force on the Ussurie 
front could have been destroyed or captured. The 
Japanese would neither consult nor inform any of 
their AUies about any movement until it had taken 
place. They treated the Czech commanders with 
the most scant courtesy, the English officers' car- 
riages were invaded by their private soldiers who 
would insolently ask what business we had in Si- 
beria, and when did we propose to go home, but 
they reserved their most supreme contempt for the 
Russian people. These poor wretches they drove 
off the railway platforms, using the butts of their 
rifles upon the women as well as the men, just as 
though they were dealing with a tribe of con- 
quered Hottentots. I did not understand this be- 
haviour on the part of our Eastern Ally, and felt 
it could only be the irresponsible bullying of a few 
men and officers. Later I found it to be the gen- 
eral policy of the Japanese army to treat every- 
body as inferior to themselves. They had learnt 
this Hun lesson to a nicety. I give two instance* 
which are neither glaring nor isolated, but of 

75 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

which no doubt official record remains. I was 
standing on Nikolsk platform waiting for a 
train, there was a crowd of Russian people, a Jap- 
anese sentry was standing near. He quite suddenly- 
darted forward and jammed the butt of his rifle 
in the centre of a Russian officer's back which 
knocked him flat on the floor in such pain that he 
rolled about for a few minutes, while the Jap, 
grinning, held his bayonet at the ^*0n Guard. '* 
No Russian, though there were many standing 
near, had the pluck to shoot him, and not wishing 
to mix myself up in the affair, I took no action but 
watched further developments. Ten minutes later 
another Jap sentry repeated the performance, 
This time the victim was a well-dressed Russian 
lady. So cowed were the Russian people that this 
time even her friends were afraid to help her. I 
stepped forward to assist, the Jap standing over 
me, but when he saw my revolver he put up his 
bayonet, but continued to laugh as though it was 
a huge joke. A few Tommies were attracted to 
the spot, and the Jap saw that things were begin- 
ning to take a serious turn. I proceeded to the 
Japanese Headquarters situated in a carriage 
near by and reported the occurrence. This officer 
seemed astonished that I should interfere on be- 
half of mere Russians, who, he said, may have 
been Bolsheviks for all he knew, and enquired 
whether the sentry had ever treated me so. I 
answered that the first Japanese that touches an 
English officer or soldier in my presence will be 

76 



ALLIED FAR-EASTERN POLICY 

a dead man. This seemed to surprise the Japan- 
ese officer, who pointed out that the Japanese 
were in occupation of Siberia, and were entitled 
to do what they liked. I had to inform him that 
the Japanese were acting in alliance with the 
other Powers, including Russia ; that we were here 
as the friends of the Russian people, and not as 
their conquerors. This he would or could not un- 
derstand. I ended the interview by warning him 
that if his sentries were not instructed to behave 
a little less like savages there would be an end to 
those sentries' careers. I later heard that the in- 
terview did good, but could not in the case of 
Japanese troops do more than slightly mitigate 
their behaviour to the defenceless Russian inhabi- 
tants. 

That is merely a type of their conduct towards 
ordinary people. There is, however, one excuse 
for them ; given, the right cirumstances they treat 
all alike. A Battalion Commander was not quite 
the sort of material to operate upon, for the sim- 
ple reason that he was usually surrounded with 
sufficient force to secure proper respect, but a 
General without a powerful escort was always 
fair sport for their gentle attentions. Not even 
the Chief of the British Military Mission could 
hope to escape from the most insulting behaviour. 
An incident placed my Unit in charge of a part of 
the Telegraph system, which enabled me to person- 
ally handle the sort of message which entered the 
Japanese Headquarters relating to a special train 

77 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

that was approaching their station. I handled the 
message myself. It ran as follows: 

"A special train No — — will enter yonr Section 

at time, it conveys the Chief of the British 

Military Mission General and Staff from Vladi- 
vostok to Ufa for important conference with General 
Surovey, the Commander in Chief of the Czeeho and 
Russian Armies. You will please give *Line Clear' 
throughout the journey." 

Did the Japanese give **Line Clear'' through- 
out? That will never be the way that this highly 
efficient and interesting little people will do any- 
thing, if their army is a sample of the whole. 
They stopped the train and boarded it by a squad 
of men with fixed bayonets. They insulted the 
Chief of the British Mission by placing him and 
his staff under arrest and then proceeded to make 
elaborate enquiries to find out whether they were 
not German emissaries in disguise. The impu- 
dence of the whole proceeding is so remarkable 
and yet characteristic, that when the Staff of the 
General reported the occurrence to me I did not 
for a moment know whether I should die with rage 
or laughter. 

I went to Siberia entirely prejudiced in favour 
of this admittedly wonderful people. I took care 
to instruct my soldiers to salute every Japanese 
officer and to be most polite to every Japanese sol- 
dier, and they carried out my instructions to the 
letter, but my attention was called to the fact that 
only on rare occasions did a Japanese officer take 

78 



ALLIED FAR-EASTERN POLICY 

the trouble to return the salute of my men, and 
still more rarely did a Japanese soldier salute an 
English officer. He was much more likely to give 
an insulting grimace. I say, quite frankly, that 
I admire the workman-like way the Japanese go 
about their soldierly duties, but it is impossible to 
ignore their stupidly studied arrogance towards 
those who are anxious to be on terms of peace and 
amity with them. It is unfortunately true that 
they were misled into believing that Germany was 
ordained to dominate the world, and believing this 
they shaped their conduct upon this awful exam- 
ple. They quite openly boast that they are the 
Germans of the East. Let us hope that they will 
read aright the recent lesson of History. 

During my stay in the Maritime Provinces, I 
never saw or heard of a single act or order from 
the Japanese Headquarters which would help in 
the slightest degree in the administrative reor- 
ganisation of the country. But I saw many things 
which convinced me that the land of the Rising 
Sun was at that time more concerned in maintain- 
ing disorder, as the surest way of fostering her 
own ambitious designs. 

At this stage the other Allies were without a 
Far Eastern policy. Their sole object was to push 
back as far as possible the German Magyar forces, 
which were carrying out the sinister policy of 
Teutonic penetration under the guise of Bolshev- 
ism. Bolshevism in the Far East at this date was 
an attempt to reduce to a system the operations 

79 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

of the Chinese Robber bands of the Mongolian bor- 
der. Mixed with, and led by the released German 
and Magyar prisoners of war, they became a for- 
midable force for destroying all attempts at or- 
der in Russia and resisting the possible recon- 
struction of the Russian front against the Central 
Powers. Previous to the Bolshevist regime, these 
Chinese bands had lived by murder and loot, it 
was their trade, though hitherto considered ille- 
gal, and sometimes severely punished. No won- 
der they joined the Soviet Crusade when it de- 
clared robbery and murder to be the basis upon 
which the new Russian democracy must rest. This 
German, Magyar, Chinese combination was bound 
to meet with remarkable initial success. The Chi- 
nese got his blood and loot in a legal way without 
much danger, and the German prisoner played an 
important part in the defence of the Fatherland, 
and the destruction of its enemies. 

If Germany lost on the Western front, and by 
means of this unnatural combination still retained 
her hold upon the potential wealth of the late 
Tsar's dominions, she had indeed won the war. 
This was the reason for our presence in Siberia, 
but it was not the reason for the presence of 
Japan. 



80 



CHAPTER VI 



ADMINISTKATION 



Shortly after the incidents referred to above 
I received General Otani's orders to take over the 
command of the railway and the districts for fifty 
versts on either side, from Spascoe to Ussurie in- 
clusive. My duty was to guard the railway and 
administer the district, taking all measures neces- 
sary to keep open this section of the line of com- 
munication. I was instructed to fix my headquar- 
ters at Spascoe, and make all arrangements to 
winter there. In accordance therewith I proceed- 
ed to get into touch with what remained of the 
old Russian authorities, civil and military, and 
the new ones wherever such had been created. So 
far as the men's comfort was concerned, new 
roads were constructed and old ones repaired, 
broken windows and dilapidated walls and wood- 
work were either replaced or renovated ; electrical 
appliances were discovered and fixed, and what 
had previously been a dull, dark block of brick- 
work suddenly blossomed out into a brilliantly 
lighted building, and became at night a land-mark 
for miles around. We also began painfully to 
piece together the broken structure of human so- 

81 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

ciety. For over a year no law but force had been 
known in these regions, and many old wrongs and 
private wounds demanded liquidation. I made 
many journeys to outlandish villages and settle- 
ments, with a small personal escort, fixed a table 
in the centre of the street, and with the aid of the 
parish priest and the president of the local coun- 
cil heard and decided disputes, public and pri- 
vate, from threats and injury to the person to the 
possession and occupation of a farm. There was 
no appeal; the stolid Tommies who stood behind 
me with fixed bayonets put my judgments beyond 
question. I remitted one or two points of prop- 
erty law to legal decision, but all parties in each 
case protested that they would have preferred my 
instant judgment. Three murderers I remitted 
to a court which I called together with an old 
Russian officer to preside, but he was so terrified 
at the prospect of having to order their execution 
for fear they might be Bolsheviks, a name which 
meant terror to everybody, that I had to send 
them to another district to enable the law to be 
carried out. The report of these proceedings 
spread with such rapidity that it became quite 
embarrassing, if not impossible, to deal effectively 
and thoroughly with the daily increasing number 
of litigants. I began to understand the reason 
why in more civilised communities legal proceed- 
ings are made so expensive. Either the Russian 
peasant is a most litigious person, or oIsq he mis- 

82 



ADMINISTRATION 

took a free system of justice as a healthy English 
pastime, which he thoroughly enjoyed. 

It was extremely flattering to be told that these 
people preferred that the '^Anglisky Polkovnika 
Boorpg'^ should decide their disputes than that 
they should be reserved for a Russian tribunal. 

It was the most interesting work I had so far 
done in the country. The trial of even the sim- 
plest case gave me many insights to Russian in- 
stitutions and character that only years of book 
study would accomplish. I learnt the difference 
between the right of the peasant holder, as com- 
pared with that of the Cossack circle. The law 
of the forest afforded an education in itself. The 
intimate relationship of Russian family life from 
the highest to the lowest was constantly laid be- 
before me, with all its romance and mediaeval 
trappings, and its sordid substratum of violence 
and superstition. In fact, I became so interested 
in this work that it w^as with the greatest regret 
that I relinquished it for a more urgent and im- 
portant call. 

The Allied forces in the Transbaikal had now 
accomplished their task of dispersing the forces 
of lawlessness, and had made some progress in 
the work of administration; but if this was to 
be consolidated and made of permanent value, it 
must be given a centre, other than the Allied com- 
mand, around which it could rally, and to which it 
might reasonably look for guidance and support. 
The Siberian Government had been established 

83 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

by the live elements of the old regime and the 
more showy members of the social revolutionary 
party, but their authority was ignored, and their 
orders were not often conspicuous for their wis- 
dom. This great people can do almost anything, 
but they cannot live without a head, and how was 
some sort of head to be provided? The Allies had 
taken control of the Far Eastern Provinces, but if 
their object was to be carried through, and Ger- 
man designs frustrated, it was necessary at once to 
push their control to the Urals, and if possible 
beyond. The brilliant feats of the Czechs had tem- 
porarily thrown the Terrorist forces into confu- 
sion, but with wealthy, helpless Eussia as their 
prize, cupidity alone would be sufficient to excite 
them to renewed effort. To be effective. Allied 
help and activity must be transferred nearer to 
the scene of actual conflict, and Ekaterinburg or 
Omsk appeared to be the only possible centres 
which could provide the proper accommodation 
and surroundings for this next step in the Allied 
programme. This much as a general proposition 
was conceded by all, but everybody held different 
views as to the way in which it should be carried 
out. 

Japan, having firmly planted her foot in the 
much-coveted Maritime Provinces, did not look 
with enthusiasm upon the suggestion that she 
should leave what she most wanted in order to 
lessen the pressure upon a front in which she had 
no interest. That Paris should fall under Ger- 

84 



ADMINISTRATION 

man blows was of no importance compared with 
American control of the Chinese Eastern Eailway, 
or the presence of the BrooMyn at Vladivostok. 

America had not exactly made up her mind 
what particular part of the Far East was most 
precious in her eyes, but wished to be friendly 
with everybody, and get as much as possible out 
of all. Her armies were on the Western front, 
but her eyes were on the Eastern Pacific, and 
wasn't it best after all to remain where you could 
keep an eye on the other fellow! 

Who would think of taking a military force 
over six thousand miles from its base, through a 
partially hostile country? Would it get through 
the many dangers and difficulties it was certain 
to encounter on the way? A!nd if it did, who could 
guarantee a friendly reception, and if not how 
could a ghastly disaster be avoided? These were 
some of the problems that called for decision, and 
once decided could never be recalled. 

The Americans and the Japanese were other- 
wise occupied, and therefore not available, and, 
though it may seem mere national egotism, there 
was only one force in which moderate Russians 
of all parties had absolute confidence, without 
which anything might happen. All eyes turned to 
the old **Die Hard" battalion, which had now 
proved its mettle on land and sea. 

Russian society had been ripped up by the 
roots, and the whole country reduced to a huge 
human jungle. Human life was at a discount, in 

85 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

fact the cheapest thing in it. If a centre of order 
was to be created anywhere, force must be pro- 
vided for its initial protection. Statecraft cannot 
work with violence ever threatening its very life. 
The risks were great, a big force would create 
suspicion, a small force must rely upon something 
more than mere bayonets for its safety. 

It was with due regard to its dangers, but with 
a certainty that it was worth it, that I accepted 
the task which the fates had forced upon me. 

We had settled down for a winter in Spascoe 
when I received the necessary orders to proceed 
to Omsk, with the suggestion that before execut- 
ing them I had better visit Headquarters at Vladi- 
vostok for a conference with General Knox. I 
tried to get a carriage for my staff from the rail- 
way authorities, suitable for the journey, but 
failed, and ended by purloining a cattle truck. In 
this contraption we got as far as Nikolsk. 

There our truck was to have been hung on 
to the Harbin express, but the station-master, 
the best type of Russian public official, thought 
it a disgrace that the commander and staff 
of their most trusted Ally should travel so. 
He placed his private car at my disposal on my 
promise to return it if and when I could find an- 
other. We arrived at Vlady, and in four days had 
completed the arrangements for the move, and se- 
cured verbal and documentary instructions as to 
the general policy to be pursued. The means to 
be employed to worm my way towards the Urals 

86 



ADMINISTRATION 

was left entirely to myself. I had already formed 
a very high opinion of the Russian character. 
Much could be done by sympathy and persuasion, 
but if that failed then the big stick of Peter the 
Great, used unsparingly, is the only order which 
is certain to be obeyed. 

On the return journey I was hung up at Nikolsk 
for several days. Heavy rains had caused the 
valleys and marshes to become flooded, and a hay 
stack which had been carried off its bed by the 
water had lodged against a temporary sleeper 
buttress and swept the bridge away. The hay 
had held the torrent back till it became so high 
that it rushed over and destroyed about two miles 
of the railway. The Japs would not repair the 
damage, nor for some time would they give a 
chance for the Russians to do so. I managed to 
get orders through to Major Browne, so that no 
time was actually lost. It was estimated that it 
would take seven days to get on the move, but 
by a general hustle all round in three days we be- 
gan our 5,000 miles' journey. Starting from 
Spascoe, we travelled to Nikolski, and then turned 
back up the Manchurian-Chinese Eastern Rail- 
way. Arriving at Nikolski, we were informed 
that the French Tonquin Battalion had also re- 
ceived orders to move west some seven days prior 
to us, but were not yet ready, nor were they like- 
ly to be for two or three days. We had arrived 
at Vlady, and had gone from thence to Ussurie 

87 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

Front before the Frencli, so now again we led the 
way towards the setting sun. 

This French unit was under the command of 
Major Malley. He informed me that his destina- 
tion was a point on the railway near the borders 
of North- West Manchuria, and by consulting my 
own instructions I guessed the object of his move. 
In case of need I should at least have the border 
open ; in addition to which, the move was an indi- 
cation that, so far as this venture was concerned, 
English and French policy ran parallel. 

The first part of the journey was through hun- 
dreds of miles of uncarted corn. As far as the 
eye could see, to right or left, one vast sea of dere- 
lict corn, left uncared for on the land to rot in the 
Siberian winter. The entire absence of labour 
and the complete breakdown of internal adminis- 
tration and communication had produced stark 
want in the presence of plenty. It made one feel 
quite sad to look day after day upon this waste 
of human food and remember the food rations 
and regulations at home. All along the line there 
was a continuous stream of refugees of all nations 
and races — poor hunted creatures who had a hor- 
rible story to tell of the ravages of the Bulgar 
and the atrocities of the Bolsheviki. At one place 
the Serbian women and children got the breakfast 
of my men, the Tommies refusing to eat until the 
kiddies had been satisfied, and the pathetic hom- 
age they paid our flag when they discovered it 
was the flag of England I I shall never forget 

88 



ADMINISTRATION 

some of tlie scenes which showed us also the won- 
derful trust the struggling nationalities of the 
world have in the power, humanity, and honour of 
our country. It is a priceless possession for the 
world which Englishmen must for ever jealously 
guard. Through never-ending uplands we entered 
the great range which forms the natural boundary 
between China and Siberia. On and on, through 
mountain gorge and fertile valley, until we broke 
out on to the wide, open plains of Manchuria. 

Perhaps it could be best described as a combina- 
tion of all the most wonderful scenery in the 
world. It is somewhat difficult to keep three huge 
trains of over 40 trucks each together on a single 
line. This, however, had to be done, first for pur- 
poses of safety, and secondly for defence in the 
then lawless state of the country. The next dif- 
ficulty is transport. Horses must be watered, and 
if they are to be kept ready for use, the train must 
stop and the animals be exercised every fourth 
day. Hence much scheming and management has 
to be exercised if the journey is to be successfully 
carried through. 

I sav/ much about the '^hidden hand'' in the 
newspapers we received from home, but our ex- 
periences of the same character were sometimes 
amusing and sometimes serious. The railway 
was under a sort of joint control— Russian, 
American, and Japanese, and it soon became clear 
that one or the other of these groups was un- 
friendly to our western advance. It may have 
. 89 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

been all, but of that I have no proof. The first 
incident was a stop of four hours. After the first 
two hours a train passed us that had been follow- 
ing behind ; after another two hours, when slightly 
more vigorous inquiries were being made as to the 
cause of delay, we were quite naively told that the 
station master did not think we ought to risk going 
further. We soon informed him to the contrary, 
and again started forward. The next stop of this 
character was at a fairly big station about twenty 
hours from Harbin. The station master held ns 
up for seven hours. This I thought the limit. At 
last he showed my interpreter a telegram asking 
him to prevent us going any further. It was not 
signed; and when I demanded that we should be 
allowed to proceed he said that there were no en- 
gines. I had seen two standing idle outside. I 
rushed on to the platform just in time to prevent 
the engines disappearing. While the station com- 
mandant had been parleying with me he had or- 
dered the two engines to disappear. I gave orders 
for my guard to form up across the line at each 
end of the station, and either bayonet or shoot 
anyone who tried to take the engines away. I 
then forced the operator to tell me if the line ahead 
was clear, and threatened to take the station mas- 
ter under military arrest for trial at Harbin un- 
less he announced my intention to start in that 
direction and cleared the way ahead. I put a sol- 
dier with fixed bayonet on the footplate to see the 
driver held to bis post, and did not play tricks 

90 



ADMINISTRATION 

with the train, and started on our journey. We 
made every inquiry possible, but no one could give 
us the slightest reason for our stoppage, but 
seemed to think that there was something wrong 
with the works which had allowed us to get so far. 
From now on I took no risks. 

There are no special features about Harbin. It 
is just a conglomeration of houses of a more or 
less Chinese character thrown together in three 
heaps, the first two attempts of the thrower not 
getting quite near enough to the target, which was 
the junction of the Chinese Eastern Eailway. 
Elaborate preparations had been made by an 
Allied committee for our reception, and when we 
drew into the station about 4 p.m. it was thronged 
with about as cosmopolitan a crowd of Far East- 
em races as we had so far met with. The Mayor, 
the Chinese Governor, and all the notabilities were 
there, the British Consul, Mr. Sly, among the num- 
ber, but most important of all was General Plissh- 
kofP, the commander of the local forces known as 
Hovarts' Army. Speeches were delivered, and a 
reply elicited from a Cossack band the most as- 
tounding rendering of the British National 
Anthem that was ever heard around the Seven 
Seas. The gem of the proceedings was a presen- 
tation of two lovely bouquets by the English ladies 
of Harbin. 

I never felt so much the necessity for adopting 
the Eastern custom of kissing all the ladies yo« 
are introduced to as at this one supreme moment 

91 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

of the journey. It was a real test of the power 
of restraint, but their husbands were there, and 
everything passed off quietly even though some 
wretched fellows took snapshots of the presenta- 
tion for home production. I inspected the several 
guards of honour, and General Plisshkoff re- 
turned the compliment while the famous 25th 
Band discoursed what was declared to be the 
sweetest music that had been heard in Harbin 
since its history began. Tea was served in a 
specially decorated marquee on the platform, and 
all the men were given presents of one sort or an- 
other, and the town gave itself over to tumultu- 
ous enjoyment, happy in the thought that at last 
one of the Allies had appeared on the scene, a 
faint indication that a desperate effort was about 
to be made by the oldest and most trusted nation 
in Europe to conjure order out of chaos. The offi- 
cers were entertained by the British Consul, and 
preparations were made for a ceremonial march 
through the town next day. This turned out a 
great success and greatly impressed the inhabi- 
tants. 

The day following we were entertained by the 
Chinese Governor, a very courtly old gentleman, 
and the Local Chinese General at the Headquar- 
ters of the Chinese administration. The band 
was in attendance and during the meal dealt with 
some of the British military choruses, which have 
spread themselves round the world. Of course we 
all joined in as only Englishmen can, and this be- 

92 



ADMINISTRATION 

came so infectious that even the staid Mandarins 
unbent and added their quota to the noise. It is 
surprising to note the resemblance between the 
solemn Chinese and the self-centred Englishman. 
The solemnity of the one reacts on the other, and 
both become what neither is or can be separately. 
After our hard work and harder fare on the Us- 
surie, this gorgeous banquet was equal to a 
month ^s leave, and we let go with a vengeance. 
What the Chinese thought about it the next 
morning I do not know, for myself I only remem- 
bered the kindness of this act of friendship, and 
the camaraderie of the whole affair, strange that 
we should feel more at home with these pukka 
Chinamen than with others we have met who are 
supposed to have much more affinity. 

Immediately after leaving Harbin we crossed 
the finest bridge of the whole journey to Omsk. It 
carried the railway over the river Sungary, which 
meanders about over the enormous yet fairly well 
cultivated plain of Northern Manchuria. It is not 
my intention to describe either the peoples or the 
countries through which we passed, but no study 
of the blending and dovetailing of totally differ- 
ent races into the different types tliat we particu- 
larise under the name of Chinese, Mongol, Tar- 
tar and Eussian could be complete without a jour- 
ney* along the Siberian and Eastern Chinese Eail- 
way. The same thing can be said about their 
dress, habitations and customs. It is an educa- 
tion in itself, especially if like us one had to stop 

93 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

occasionally to drive bargains, negotiate help, and 
have the closest and most intimate intercourse 
with the common people. None of them had ever 
seen the English flag, few of them had the slight- 
est idea where the Anglisky lived, and one old 
Kirghis explained to his wondering tribesmen 
that we were a strange tribe that had broken away 
from Amerianski, and gone to live on a great is- 
land in the middle of the lakes, where no one could 
touch us unless they risked their lives on great 
wooden rafts. I thought the amount of inverted 
truth in this charming description very pleasing, 
if not very flattering to our national vanity. 

After climbing the Great Hingan Range the" 
plains of Mongolia were a wonder to me. Imag- 
ine, if you can, a perfectly flat land, through which 
your train glides hour after hour, day after day. 
The whole covered with rough grain, and a growth 
somewhat like a huge Horse Daisy or Marguerite, 
At the time we passed these had dried, and a ter- 
rific wind sweeping over these plains had broken 
numbers of this dry herb off near the ground. It 
fell on its round side. Directly the plant had lost 
its anchorage, away it bounded like a cat o wheel 
over the plains. It does not require much imagi- 
nation to picture hundreds of thousands of these 
rounded tufts of dried grass bounding along over 
immense distances. It is quite a fascinating pas- 
time to select a few of the larger and better 
formed ones coming over the horizon and calcu- 
late how long it takes to arrive opposite your po- 

94 



ADMINISTRATION 

sition. Calculations made in this way convinced 
me that a small coloured message properly fas- 
tened to these moving subjects might have been 
carried 500 miles in 24 hours. If instead of look- 
ing at one, you look at the whole the impression 
is of the solid earth passing rapidly from West 
to East. There are occasional obstructions in the 
shape of a huge flock of sheep which would cover 
half Rutlandshire. These are herded by quaintly 
dressed Mongolian Tartars, on wonderful shaggy- 
haired horses, who ride at a furious pace around 
their flocks and guard them from attack by wolves 
which infest this part of the world. It is worth 
recording how they do so. The wolf is a very 
cunning animal, who has numerous methods of at- 
tack, and like a hare is very difficult to locate if in 
his form, and practically level with the ground. 
But his very cunning is often his undoing. On no 
account will the wolf allow a string on which there 
are little coloured rags fluttering to pass over 
him, nor will he get near it. The Tartar herdsmen 
go forward in line over the plain in the direction 
their flocks are feeding with a small strong 
string with little coloured flags fluttering along it, 
fastened from horse to horse. This effectively 
sweeps the whole space as the trawler sweeps the 
sea. No wolf can hope to escape the trained eye 
of the Tartar near the horse where the strain of 
line lifts it high off the ground, and no wolf will 
allow the line to pass near him, hence the herds- 
man gets both sport and profit out of his occupa- 

95 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

tion. Having fed off the grass and herbs in one 
place, the whole Tartar tribe moves forward at 
regular periods on what appears to be an endless 
crawl across the world, but what is really an ap- 
pointed round settled and definite within the terri- 
torial lands of the race to which they belong. 
Their women and children journey with them, and 
hunt and ride with the men, free as the plains over 
which they travel. In spite of this community of 
interests the men seem to place but very little 
value upon their women, except as a sort of com- 
munist coolie attachment for carrying the camp 
from one place to another, for preparing the 
rude meals, and care of the boys, of whom the 
tribe are very proud. 

Over this featureless wilderness we progressed 
day after day, each stopping place marked by a 
few aspen trees, mixed up with a few others that 
looked very much like the mountain ash but 
were not. The winter houses are single-roomed, 
square, wooden structures very strangely built, 
with flat roof consisting of about two feet of earth. 
Against and over these structures in winter the 
frozen snow piles itself until they have the ap- 
pearance of mere mounds, impossible to locate ex- 
cept for the smoke which escapes from a few long 
crevices which are left open under the eaves of 
what is intended to be the front of the house. 
These smoke escapes perform the double duty of 
chimneys and also keep clear the way by which the 
inhabitants go in and out. Their herds are either 

96 



ADMINISTRATION 

disposed of before the winter begins or are housed 
in grass covered dug-outs which in winter when 
the snow has piled over them take the form of im- 
mense underground caverns, and are quite warm 
and habitable by both man and beast. The one I 
entered had over 200 beautiful little foals, and oth- 
ers similar in character had cows and sheep and 
poultry as snug as you please. The entrance was 
lighted with a quaint old-fashioned lantern, not 
unlike what I have seen the shepherds use when 
I was a boy in Hampshire. The entrance was 
guarded all night by a number of dogs, and curled 
up in a special nook was the herdsman, with a gun 
of a kind long since discarded in Europe. Such 
are the conditions under which these people live 
half the year, but they make up for this under- 
ground life when in April they start their cattle 
on the move by first allowing them to eat their 
shelters. 

Near the edge we began to encounter a few sand 
dunes with outcrops much similar to those on the 
coast line of our own country. Over these we 
gently ran day after day until we could see vast 
fields of sand and scrub that it must have taken 
thousands of years of gale and hurricane to de- 
posit in the quaint pyramidal fashion in which 
they stand today. Even yet they are not fixed, oc- 
casionally a tree falls, exposing the naked sand to 
the action of the wind which swirls around the 
hole and moves the sand into a spiral whirlpool 
lifting and carrying it away to be deposited again 

97 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

on the lee side of a distant valley, choking the 
pines and silver birch and sometimes destroying 
large woods and forests. It is surprising that 
though we travelled for hundreds of miles along 
the edge of this huge sand plateau we did not see a 
single rivulet or stream coming from its direction, 
though there were traces of a river far out on 
the plain. Sunset in these sand hills was quite 
entrancing. The occasional break in these conical 
formations, when the sun was low down, gave one 
the impression of a vast collection of human habi- 
tations, with gable ends to the highest of the 
buildings. The fact, however, is that, so far as we 
saw or could make out, no human habitation ex- 
ists over the whole face of this sea of sand, though 
men live quite calmly around the crater of volca- 
noes, and other equally dangerous and impossible 
places. The fear created by legends of human 
disaster attaching to the local history of these 
sands is of such a character that even the daring 
of the Tartar is for once mastered. The sands 
themselves when on the move are dangerous 
enough but their cup-like formation could hide 
armies until the traveller was in their midst when 
retreat would be impossible. The same applies 
with greater force to the banditti or beasts of the 
desert, hence the gloomy history and legends of 
the Mongolian sands. 

We arrived at Hazelar on a Saturday evening, 
and collected our echelons during the night. On 
Sunday morning I made application to the Priest 

98 



ADMINISTRATION 

for permission to hold our parade service in the 
grounds of the Greek Church. This was granted, 
and the parade was a huge success. The spec- 
tacle of the Padre (Captain Roberts) in his sur- 
pHce conducting the English service under the 
shades of the Church our help had rescued from 
the violence of the Terrorists was very impres- 
sive. The service was watched with intense in- 
terest by hundreds of Russian men and women, 
and by crowds of Chinese, Koreian and Tartar 
plainsmen. Some of the Russian ladies joined in 
the responses, and many women's voices joined 
in the old English hymns. These were the first 
religious services that had been held for a year, 
and seemed to give assurance to the people that 
their troubles were nearly over, that peace had 
come again. The huge padlock and chain upon 
the church door had been removed, and general 
thankfulness seemed to be the predominant feel- 
ing. The scene was doubtless very strange to 
those unaccustomed to united worship by both 
priest and people. In these small matters I was 
extremely punctilious as I saw what an impres- 
sionable people I had to deal with. I farther cal- 
culated that once we had joined in public serv- 
ice together the edge of hostility would lose its 
sharpness. I did not leave it at this but entered 
the markets without a guard and held conferences 
with both peasant and workmen, stating our rea- 
sons for coming and the friendly service we 
wished to perform. It was clear from the be- 

99 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

gmning that my safety depended npon onr se- 
curing the confidence of the majority of the 
people. A mere military parade would have 
failed, but with a thorough understanding of our 
object in entering so far into their country we 
gained their confidence and enlisted their help. 
On the other hand there are a small proportion 
of disgruntled and abnormal people in all com- 
munities who cannot be controlled by reason, and 
for whom force is the only argument, and for 
these we also made ample provision. 

There was not much interest in the remainder 
of the Manchurian and Mongolian part of the 
journey until we arrived at Manchulli. This was 
occupied by the Japanese Division under the com- 
mand of General Fugi. Here it w^as necessary 
to get a supply of fresh bread and exercise the 
transport. I paid my respects to the Chinese Gen- 
eral, who had just lost part of his barracks, for- 
cibly taken from him for the occupation of Jap- 
anese troops. I also paid an official visit to Gen- 
eral Fugi and Staff and the Eussian commandant 
of the station. 



100 



CHAPTER yn 

FURTHER INCIDENTS OF THE JOURNEY 

It was at ManchuUi that an incident happened 
which was much talked about at the time, and was 
given many strange versions. It is quite easily 
explained when all the facts are known. It was 
impossible to secure proper travelling accom- 
modation for my officers, either at Spascoe or 
Nikolsk, but I was informed that such would be 
provided at Harbin. In company with the British 
Consul (Mr. Sly) I called upon the manager of 
the railway at Harbin to secure such accommo- 
dation. He was very polite, and promised to do 
all he could to help, but next morning informed 
me that no carriage was available, but if I could 
find one empty I could tale it. I failed, and re- 
ported the fact to him. He could do nothing, but 
said there were plenty at Manchulli held up by 
Colonel Semianotf and the Japanese, who laid 
hold of every carriage that tried to get through 
this station; that Colonel Semianoff collected a 
great revenue by refusing to part with these car- 
riages unless the user was prepared to pay very 
high prices for the same ; that, if I was prepared 
to take the risk and would use force, if necessary, 

101 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

to secure carriages, I should be able to get them 
there, and so far as the railway authorities at 
Harbin were concerned I could take any two emp- 
ty carriages I might find. 

The weather was beginning to get very cold, 
and each mile added to our discomfort, and the 
only accommodation for officers on two of the 
three trains were cattle trucks. 

After my official visit I made request for two 
carriages. The station commandant pretended 
to consult the Russian and Japanese officials, and 
then informed me that there were none. I told 
him it was untrue. He agreed that if I could 
point out any carriages unoccupied I could have 
them. He went with his register to the carriages 
I indicated, and he admitted that they were idle 
and empty, and I would be allowed to take them. 
I put a guard on the carriages, and thought ija.e 
incident settled; but nothing is settled for long 
in the Far East. I made request for these car- 
riages to be shunted on to my trains, and after 
a two hours' wait went to the station about the 
shunting, and was calmly informed that they 
knew nothing about the carriages. The command- 
ant with whom I arranged the matter had gone 
home — an old dodge — and would not be on duty 
till to-morrow, and nothing else could be done. 
It was reported to me that the reason the car- 
riages could not be secured was that the railway 
officials of a certain Power had given instructions 
that no '^ class" carriages were to be provided 

102 



FURTHER INCIDENTS OF THE JOURNEY 

for British officers, as it was necessary that the 
population along the iroute should understand- 
that we were not considered representatives of a 
first-class Power. Englishmen who have not trav- 
elled much in the Far East will scarcely under- 
stand the working of the Oriental mind in these 
matters. An officer of any Power who travels in 
a cattle truck will not only lose the respect of the 
Oriental for his own person, but will lower the 
standard of the country he represents, irrespec- 
tive of her position in the comity of nations. The 
representative of the Isle of Man, if he travelled 
in the best style, would stand before the repre- 
sentative of His Majesty the King, if his means of 
transit were that of a coolie. Your means of loco- 
motion fixes your place in the estimation of the 
East, because it is visible to them while your cre- 
dentials are not. 

I there and then made up my mind to act, 
and if necessary ^*go the whole hog.'^ So I in- 
formed the authorities that nothing should be 
shunted in that station until those two car- 
riages were put to my train, and proceeded to 
occupy the whole station. Up to this point I had 
neither seen nor heard anything of the Japanese 
in relation to this matter, but they now came on 
the scene, and I soon discovered it was they who 
had engineered the whole opposition to the Brit- 
ish Officers getting suitable accommodation and 
had spirited away the old Commandant who had 
registered the carriages to me. At first they did 

103 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

not know the correct line to adopt, but made a 
request that the guard should be taken off the 
station. My answer was ^'Yes! instantly, if it 
is understood that these carriages are to be 
shunted to my trains. ' ' They agreed to this, and 
my guards were taken off, having held the station 
23 minutes. I had my evening meal and was ex- 
pecting to start when I was informed that the 
Japanese had now placed guards upon my car- 
riages, and refused to allow them to be shunted 
on to my train. I thought this was just about the 
limit, but before taking action I decided to dis- 
cover the reason, if any, for what seemed a defi- 
nite breach of faith. I visited the Japanese Sta/- 
tion Officer, and he said that they had just dis- 
covered that these two carriages were set aside 
to convey General Fugi to Harbin a few days 
hence. I refused to believe that such a discovery 
could have only just been made, and I would take 
the carriages that had been allotted by force if 
necessary. It looked very awkward and a Japa- 
nese Staff Officer was sent for, I sent my Liaison 
Officer (Colonel Frank) to find the absent Station 
Commandant who had allocated the cars to me. 
The Japanese Staff Officer was expressing his sor- 
row for my not being able to get any carriages 
for my officers, and pointing out how impossible 
it would be for the train of General Fugi to be 
broken up by the loss of the two carriages I had 
claimed, when in stalked the old Russian Com- 
mandant, and blew these apologies sky high by 

104 



FURTHER INCIDENTS OF THE JOURNEY 

declaring the train of General Fugi had nothing 
to do with these carriages, that they were un- 
employed, and they were mine. I decided to 
strengthen the guard to 18 men on each carriage, 
and offered protection to the railwaymen who 
shunted them to my train. The Japanese sol- 
diers followed the carriages on to my train, so 
that we had the strange sight of a row of Tom- 
mies with fixed bayonets on the cars, and a 
row of Japanese soldiers on the ground guard- 
ing the same carriages. No officer came to give 
them open instructions and the Jap soldiers dis- 
appeared one at a time until the Tommies were 
left in undisputed possession. 

We returned to my car to find it guarded by 
Chinese soldiers. I asked the reason, and was in- 
formed that at an earlier stage of this incident 
a Chinese officer had been to my car with a note 
to inform me that the great friendship which 
the Chinese always have to the Great English 
Nation made it impossible for them to stand by 
and allow their friends to be attacked while pass- 
ing through Chinese territory. I thanked them 
for their friendship, and suggested that English- 
men were always capable of protecting themselves 
in any part of the world, wherever their duty took 
them. But they would listen to nothing, and re- 
mained on guard until my train passed out of the 
station. 

I do not suppose there was at any time real 
danger of a collision between the different forces 

105 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

at Manchulli, but it had a very iigly appearance 
of an episode that might have developed into one 
of international importance. I took my stand for 
the sole purpose of maintaining the dignity of 
the British Army. Other incidents connected 
with this small dispute about Officer accommo- 
dation, yet having nothing to do with it, made me 
determined to carry my point. During these pro- 
ceedings I noticed my Liaison Officer in angry 
dispute with two Japanese officers against a truck 
carrying a Union Jack as an indication of the 
nationality of the train. They were pointing to 
the flag in such manner that I saw at once the dis- 
pute was about this offending emblem. When the 
Japanese officials had moved away I called Col- 
onel Frank to me and enquired the cause of dis- 
pute. He said: *^I can understand the contempt 
of the Japanese for our Russia, she is down, and 
is sick, but why they should wish to insult their 
Ally England, I cannot understand. The Japa- 
nese officers who have just left me, enquired where 
the English commander got his authority to carry 
an English flag on his train. I answered it was 
an English train carrying an English Battalion 
to Omsk, and no authority was necessary. The 
Japanese officers replied that they considered the 
flying of any other flag but theirs in Manchuria 
or Siberia an insult to Japan. I told them they 
were fools, that if the English Commander had 
heard their conversation (they both spoke in Rus- 
sian) he would demand an apology." At which 

106 



FURTHER INCIDENTS OF THE JOURNEY 

they grinned and departed. We tried every means 
to find the two officers, but were unable to do so. 
This was the atmosphere in which we discussed 
the smaller subject, and may explain the obsti- 
nacy of both sides, at least it had something to 
do with my determination. I 

Securing bread and exercising the horses de- 
layed us one whole day at Chita, and inability to 
obtain engines part of another. In desperation 
I went with a squad of men to the sheds and 
forced a driver to take out his engine, myself 
riding on the tender, where I nearly lost my sight 
with hot debris from the funnel, while Major 
Browne, who stood sentinel beside the driver, had 
holes scorched in his uniform ; but this act of vio- 
lence secured not only an engine for my train, but 
for the others also. I had broken my glasses, 
and it was necessary to get others. I walked to 
the shop of a jeweller and optician with whom 
we conversed. Other customers joined in the 
talk. We were here informed of the murder of 
the present owner's mother during the Bolshevik 
occupation of the town. The Soviet Commissar, 
with Red soldiers, visited the shop one day to loot 
the stock. The mother, an old lady over 60 years 
of age, who was then looking after the business, 
protested against the robbery of her property. 
The Commissar ordered one of the Red Guard 
to bayonet her, which he did. They then pro- 
ceeded to remove everything of value, locked up 
the premises, with the dead woman still lying on 

107 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

the shop floor, and for several days refused per- 
mission to her neighbours to give her decent bur- 
ial, on the plea that she was a counter-revolu- 
tionist. It was evident from the appearance of 
the place that the Red soldiers were pretty ex- 
pert at this sort of business, but stories like this 
are so numerous that it is nauseating to repeat 
them. 

The next point of interest was Lake Baikal, or, 
as it is more correctly described by the Russians, 
the *' Baikal Sea." We approached this famous 
lake on a very cold Sunday evening; the clear,, 
cold depths of the water gave evidence of its pres- 
ence in the changed atmosphere long before we 
reached its shores. A furious gale was blowing 
across the lake from the west, which lashed the 
huge waves into fury and foam as they beat in 
endless confusion on the rock-bound shore. 
Blinding snow mixed with the spray gave the 
inky blackness of the night a weird and sombre 
appearance. The Cossack attendant Marca 
droned a folksong about the wonders of the Bai- 
kal, which, when interpreted by my liaison officer, 
fitted the scene to a fraction. We put up the 
double windows, listed the doors, and turned in 
for the night. I was fearful that we should leave 
the lake before morning and so fail to get a day- 
light view of this most interesting part of our 
journey. We all awoke early to find the scene 
so changed as to appear almost miraculous. The 
strange light of these northern zones was gently 

108 



FURTHER INCIDENTS OF THE JOURNEY 

stealing over an immense sea of clear, perfectly 
calm, glassy water, which enabled one to locate 
the whiter coloured rocks at enormous depths. 
A fleecy line of cloud hung lazily over the snow- 
capped mountains. The Great Bear nearly stood 
on his head, and the Pole Star seemed to be al- 
most over us. The other stars shone with icy- 
cold brilliance, and refused to vanish, though the 
sun had begun to rise. And such a rise! We 
could not see that welcome giver of warmth and 
life, but the beautiful orange and purple halo 
embraced half the world. From its centre shot 
upwards huge, long, yellow streamers, which pen- 
etrated the darkness surrounding the stars, and 
passed beyond into never-ending space. Grad- 
ually these streamers took a more slanting angle, 
until they touched the highest peaks and drove 
the cloud lower and lower down the side of the 
mountains. I have been on the Rigi under sim- 
ilar conditions, but there is nothing in the world 
like an autumn sunrise on Lake Baikal. I stopped 
the train ostensibly to allow water to be obtained 
for breakfast, really to allow the men to enjoy, in 
my opinion, the greatest sight in the world. Some 
of the men were as entranced as myself, while 
others (including officers) saw nothing but plenty 
of clean, fresh water for the morning ablutions. 
We all have our several tastes, even in His Maj- 
esty 's Army. 

Rumour says there are exactly the same fish to 
be found in the Baikal as the sea, with other va- 

109 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

rieties which represent ordinary fresh water 
types. I do not believe there is any authority for 
these statements. Seagulls of every known cate- 
gory are certainly to be found there, and wild 
duck in variety and numbers to satisfy the most 
exacting sportsman. 

Passing along this wonderful panorama for 
some hours, we arrived at Baikal. The maps sup- 
plied to me show the railway as making a bee-line 
from the south of the lake to Irkutsk. This is not 
so. The line does not leave the western shores 
of the lake an inch until the station Baikal is 
nearly opposite the point at which the railway 
strikes the lake on the eastern side. The lake is 
fed by the River Selengha, which drains the north- 
em mountains and plains of Mongolia. No river 
of importance enters it on the north except the 
short, high Anghara; in fact, the Rivers Armur 
and Lenha start from quite near its northern and 
eastern extremities. It is drained on the west by 
the famous River Anghara, which starts near 
Baikal and enters the Polar Sea at a spot so far 
north as to be uninhabitable except for the white 
bears, who fight for the possession of icebergs. 

Baikal had been the scene of a titanic struggle 
between the Czecho-Slovak forces and the Bolshe- 
viks, who had in case of defeat planned the com- 
plete and effective destruction of the line by blow- 
ing up the numerous tunnels alongside the lake, 
but the Czechs moved so rapidly that the enemy 
were obliged to concentrate at Baikal for the de- 

•110 



FURTHER INCIDENTS OF THE JOURNEY 

fence of their own line of comraunication. Before 
they had made up their minds that they were al- 
ready defeated a lucky Czech shot struck their 
store of dynamite and blew the station, their 
trains, and about 300 of the enemy to smithereens. 
The remainder retreated off the line in a south- 
erly direction, and after many days ' pursuit were 
lost in the forests which form the chief barrier 
between Siberia and Mongolia, to emerge later 
on an important point of the railway near Omsk. 
We stopped at Baikal for water and fuel and 
examined the damage done by the explosion. The 
great iron steamer which used to be employed 
to convey the train from one side to the other 
was almost destroyed, its funnels and upper 
works were wrenched and twisted beyond repair. 
But out from every crevice of her hull and from 
every broken carriage came German and Austrian 
prisoners of war, dressed in every conceivable 
style of uniform. There was no guard of any de- 
scription, but they all appeared to be under the 
direction of a young German officer, who saluted 
vety sitiffly as we passed. No doubt existed 
amongst these Germans that we were travelling 
towards Germany and certain death. Not one 
would believe but that Germany would win the 
war, and destroy not only Eng'land^ but also 
America. They had no feelings about France, 
nor would they consider her as other than an al- 
ready half-digested morsel. Quartermaster-Cap- 
tain Boulton put it to one prisoner: '*But sup- 

111 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

pose Germany was defeated T' *'Then/> said the 
prisoner, *^I would never return to Germany 
again.'' We have fallen in with thousands of 
German prisoners, who have all a most perplexing 
view of ourselves. They describe us as the only 
real and bitter enemy of their country. But these 
same men will volunteer to work for us rather 
than for any other Ally, because they say we treat 
them fairly, and behave to them like men, and 
listen to their grievances. That is something, at 
any rate. 



112 



CHAPTER Vin 



BEYOND THE BAIKAL 



From Baikal to Irkutsk is a short run down 
the left bank of the Anghara. We arrived at Irk- 
utsk about the same time as a small detachment 
of Japanese troops, who were acting as a guard 
to their traders and their stores, who usually 
travel with the army. The Japs have very pretty 
bugle-calls for different military purposes, most- 
ly in the same key, with a sort of Morse code for 
the different orders; but a Japanese bugle band 
is the most terrible thing in the world of sound. 
It makes you either swear or laugh, according to 
taste. They gave us an exhibition in moving off 
from the station which everyone who heard will 
never forget. I was rather surprised to find the 
Jap traders at Irkutsk, as their headquarters lay 
at Chita, which was also the centre of their Agent 
Demianoff. Why they came to Irkutsk is a prob- 
lem. It was generally understood that some of 
the Allies were prepared to concede them only the 
fairest part of Siberia up to Lake Baikal. Per- 
haps they had heard whispers of the mineral 
wealth of the Urals. 

Irkutsk is a rather fine old town for Siberia, 
113 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

situated on the right bank of the Anghara. Its 
Greek Cathedral has a commanding position, and 
contests successfully with the Cadet School as the 
outstanding architectural feature first to catch the 
eye. The town is approached by a quaint, low, 
wooden bridge, which spans the swiftly-running 
river. When we saw it the battered remnants of 
human society were grimly collecting themselves 
together after some months of Bolshevik anarchy 
and murder. Whole streets were merely blackened 
ruins. 

The 25th Battalion, Middlesex Regiment, was the 
only British unit in the country; it had spread 
itself out in a remarkable manor, and shown the 
flag on a front of 5,000 miles. In spite of its 
category, it had brought, confidence and hope to 
a helpless people out of all proportion to its 
strength or ability. A public banquet (the first 
since the revolution) was held ostensibly to wel- 
come Vologodsky, the Social Revolutionary Presi- 
dent of the Siberian Council, but really to wel- 
come the first British regiment that had ever en- 
tered and fought in Siberia. It was a great oc- 
casion, and the first real evidence I had seen of 
possible national regeneration. Even here it was 
decidedly Separatist, and therefore Japanese in 
character — a glorification of Siberia and Siberian 
efforts, completely ignoring the efforts of other 
Russians in different parts of the Empire. 
Evanoff Renoff, the Cossack Hetman, led the 
panegyric of Siberia, and the President and the 

114 



BEYOND THE BAIKAL 

Secretary for Foreign Affairs, a long watery-eyed 
young man, joined in the chorus. They were 
doubtless well pleased with themselves, and thor- 
oughly enjoying a partial return to the old condi- 
tions. Colonel Frank translated in a whisper all 
that was said, so that I got a good hang to the 
mental atmosphere of this unique gathering. 

The toast of their Ally, Great Britain, was the 
occasion which brought me to my feet. The band 
played ^'Eule, Britannia'' as a substitute for 
*'God Save the King," for the simple reason that, 
though mostly Social Revolutionaries, they dared 
not play a Royalist hymn until they had tested 
the feelings of their audience. This gave mo my 
cue. I laughed at their fears, and informed them 
that whatever happened our anthem, which for 
the time represented the unity of our race, would 
be played by my band at the ceremonial to-mor- 
row, and all the Bolsheviks in Russia would not 
be powerful enough to prevent it. From this I 
led to the flag, another great emblem of racial 
unity. I called attention to the entire absence 
of a Russian flag from Vladivostok to Irkutsk, 
and asked, *^Is this the country of the once great 
and mighty Russia, that a stranger travels over 
without knowing what country it isT' I sug- 
gested that though we had twenty revolutions I 
could never imagine Englishmen being ashamed 
of the English flag or afraid to call themselves 
Englishmen. The translation of my remarks end- 
ed in a wonderful ovation, and I thought the band 

115 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

would never play anything else but the National 
Anthem, which it repeated again and again. My 
list of telegrams and messages of every kind and 
character from every part of Russia and the out- 
side world, together with constant repetition of 
the speech in the Press, indicates plainly that 
from this day began the resurrection of the Rus- 
sian soul. Another sign of renewed vigour and 
life was the fact that from that day the Russian 
flag (minus ^Hhe Crown") flew from the flagpost 
over every big station we passed and on all pub- 
lic buildings. The Eussians are extremely emo- 
tional, and I had managed to hit the right chord 
the first time. 

The day following we marched to the square 
space surrounding the Cathedral, and I inspected 
the newly-formed units of the army. Splendid 
men with good physique, but slow and stilted in 
movement. The remnant of the cadets who had 
escaped the general massacre were there, a won- 
derfully smart set of beautiful boys whom, at the 
distance, looking at their faces only, I took to 
be girls, much to the disgust of the colonel in 
charge. It was altogether a magnificent and im- 
pressive sight, with big crowds, and the fine cathe- 
dral as a background. With the *' Present'' and 
the **King'' at the end every man present uncov- 
ered, and an old Russian lady knelt alid kissed 
my adjutant's hand and blessed us as saviours, 
and the commandant called for cheers for the only 

116 



BEYOND THE BAIKAL 

country which came to their help without con- 
ditions. I wonder how that will pan out! 

We were entertained at the British ConsuPs 
followed by a concert at night. It was terribly 
cold, and no droskies. We had to walk to the 
theatre in a blinding snow storm. At 2 a.m. we 
started on our last lap. 

The sentiments of the people change completely 
every few hundred miles. After leaving Irkutsk 
we soon discovered that we were in enemy terri- 
tory, and the few weeks and in some cases 
days that had elapsed since the retirement of 
the Bolshevik commissaries had left the coun- 
try the prey of the desperado. Let there be no 
mistake. Bolshevism lived by the grace of the 
old regime. The peasant had his land, but the 
Eussian workman had nothing. Not one in a 
thousand could tell one letter of the alphabet from 
another I He was entirely neglected by the State ; 
there was not a single effective State law dealing 
with the labour conditions or the life of the worker 
in the whole Russian code. His condition was and 
will remain, in spite of the revolution, utterly ne- 
glected and hopeless. He has not the power to 
think or act for himself, and is consequently the 
prey of every faddist scamp who can string a 
dozen words together intelligently. There are 
no trade unions, because there is no one amongst 
them sufficiently intelligent either to organise or 
manage them. All the alleged representatives of 
Labour who have from time to time visited Eng- 

117 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

land pretending to represent the Russian work- 
man are so many deputational frauds. There can- 
not be such a delegate, from the very nature of 
things, as will be seen if the facts are studied on 
the spot. The lower middle classes, especially 
the professional teacher class, have invented the 
figment of organised Russian labour for their own 
purpose. The condition of the Russia workman is 
such that he can only formulate his grievances by 
employing others to do it for him. Hence there 
have come into existence numerous professional 
councils who for a consideration visit the workers 
in their homes and wherever they congregate and 
compile their complaints and grievances, but the 
professionals always point out that the rectifi- 
cation of small points like rates of wages and 
working hours are a waste of time and energy; 
that the real work is to leave the conditions so 
bad that in sheer despair the worker will rise 
and destroy capitalism in a night and have a per- 
fect millennium made ready for the next morn- 
ing. 

Poor, ignorant, uneducated, neglected, the 
Russian workman is a perfectly and well-pre- 
pared soil for such propaganda. He found him- 
self bound hand and foot in the meshes of this 
professional element, who did not belong to his 
class, and (except in theory) knew nothing of his 
difficulties, and when this professional element 
had misled, bamboozled, and deserted him, in a 
frenzy of despair he determined to destroy this 

118 



BEYOND THE BAIKAL 

thing called education, and made the ability to 
read and write one of the proofs of enmity to his 
class, on the same principle that our uneducated 
workmen of the first half of the eighteenth century 
destroyed machinery and other progressive inno- 
vations whose purpose they did not understand. 
There would be less chatter about revolution if 
our people could only understand what it means 
to go through the horrors that have destroyed 
Russia and her people more effectively than the 
most ruthless invasion. 

We stopped at a station near a mining village, 
largely peopled by emigrant Chinese workmen. 
We removed the Bolshevik flag from the flagpost, 
and insisted upon the Russian flag being run up 
in its stead. A Russian woman told us to go back, 
and when we asked her why she said, **Well, it 
does not matter; our men will soon find enough 
earth to bury you. '* But another Russian woman 
thanked us for coming, and hoped we were not 
too late to save a country that was sick unto death. 

That night we ran into Zema station, where we 
came to a sudden stop. I sent my liaison officer 
to find the cause, and he informed me that a body 
of men wore beside the engine and threatening 
to shoot the driver if he moved another foot. I 
ordered the ** Alarm*' to be sounded, and instant- 
ly 400 British soldiers tumbled out of the trucks. 
Taking their pre-arranged positions, they fixed 
bayonets and awaited orders. My carriage was 
the last vehicle of the train. I walked forward 

119 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

to find the cause of our enforced stoppage, and 
was just in time to see in the darkness a squad 
of armed men leaving the station. I took armed 
possession of the station and telegraphs, and then 
heard from the officials that Bolshevik agents had 
come to the town, and had persuaded the work- 
men to leave work to take arms and cut the line 
to prevent the Allies moving forward, and await 
the arrival of the Bolshevik force which had re- 
tired from Baikal. This force had worked its way 
along the Mongolian frontier, and was now feeling 
its way towards the line to destroy the bridge 
which carries the railway over the River Ocka at 
a point about three versts from Zema. 

I placed guards around and in the railway 
works, engine-sheds, and approaches, and, discov- 
ering telegrams still passing between the Bolshe- 
viks and the inhabitants, I occupied by force the 
post and telegraph office in the town. Orders 
were issued that all men must pledge themselves 
not to interfere with the trains and return to 
work by six a.m., or they would be dealt with 
under martial law. 

Two hours elapsed, during which time my other 
trains arrived, with machine-gun section com- 
plete, and the whole force were disposed to re- 
ceive attack. 

The troops surrounded the house of the leader, 
but the bird had flown. I found some Bolshevik 
literature advocating the wholesale destruction of 
the bourgeoisie and intelligentsia — I forget which 

120 



BEYOND THE BAII^L 

they put first; also 3,600 roubles, which I gave 
back to the wife, saying ''That is a gift from me 
to you." This act disgusted the local chief of 
the gendarmerie, who assured me that it was Ger- 
man money, and ought to be confiscated. I had 
no doubt it was, but then I was English, and a 
Hampshire man at that. Then the usual teacher 
arrived, and asked if he would be allowed to speak 
to the ''Anglisky Polkovnika. ' ' Receiving an af- 
firmation, he entered and began the conversation. 
He naively confessed if he had known it was an 
Anglisky train he would have allowed it to pass. 
They had read my order as to returning to work, 
and wanted to know what I proposed to do if they 
did not do so. I answered that after having 
taken up arms against us they could expect no 
mercy, and that if they did not obey my orders 
every leader I could find would be shot. The 
teacher inquired if I would allow the men to be 
called together for consultation by their prear- 
ranged signal at the works. I agreed if they came 
without arms. 

Soon after the most awful sound came from the 
huge Bazaar. It was now midnight, and the air 
was rent by a wailing sound, that grew in volume, 
to die away into a world sob. Every Britisher 
there was affected in some peculiar fashion. To 
me it was like nothing so much as a mighty groan 
from a nation in distress. Colonel Frank, my 
Russian guide, philosopher, and friend, ran 
from the table when the sound began, and paced 

121 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

the car in evident anguish, and as it died away 
exclaimed *'Poor Russia!'' and I had felt the 
same thought running through me. All my men 
expressed themselves with similar sentiments, and 
as never wanting to hear it again. My business 
was to get out of the place as quickly as possible, 
but to leave the line safe. The small militia force 
was quite inadequate to deal with a population 
fully armed. Hence I ordered the surrender of 
all arms by the inhabitants, and allowed twelve 
hours in which this was to be done. Six a.m. ar- 
rived, and my officers reported all men at work 
except eight, and these reported later and asked 
forgiveness, which was readily granted. I then 
informed the management that I intended to call 
a meeting of the men and hear their grievances. 
The management tried to dissuade me from my 
purpose, but I promptly ordered their attendance 
in the headquarters of the works at ten a.m., when 
I would hear the men's complaints. Promptly at 
ten the work finished, and the men crowded to 
the spot selected. British sentries, with fixed bay- 
onets and loaded rifles, stood on either side as I 
sat at the table, while others were placed in se- 
lected positions about the building. I called the 
managers and heads of all the departments first, 
and warned them that I had been forced to take 
this trouble into my own hands; that I intended 
to settle it; and that, if they interfered with the 
men in any way, either by harsh measures or vic- 
timisation, I would deal with them by court-mar- 

122 



BEYOND THE BAIKAL 

tial, just the same as I would any workman who 
prevented the smooth running of the railway; 
and that, in fact, they being presumably more in- 
telligent, would find no mercy. This information 
caused quite a commotion amongst all concerned. 
I asked the men to state their grievances. The 
first workman said he had no economic grievance 
-—his was political. He had been told the Allies 
were counter-revolutionists, and as such should 
be destroyed. Two or three protested against 
this, and said they came out on economic grounds. 
They said their objection was to piece work. I 
tried to get a statement from them that their 
wages were low, but they would not consent to 
this, admitting that their pay for the same work 
was &Ye times what it was in 1917. I therefore 
came to the conclusion that it was more of a mili- 
tary movempnt on the part of the Bolshevik lead- 
ers than a strike such as we understand in Eng- 
land. I gave my decision that the men's leaders 
were to be tried by field general court-martial. 
The men's committee then said that they had 
never had the chance to meet anyone in authority 
before, that they were anxious not to appear as 
enemies to the great English people, that if I 
would carry out no further repressive action 
against them they would continue to work until 
the end of the war. They heard that Bolsheviks 
were approaching their town, and knew the tor- 
tures in store for them if they were found con- 
tanuing to help the Allies in their advance to the 

123 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

Urals. If I would secure protection for them they 
would sign an agreement not to strike until the 
war in Russia had ended. I believed them; the 
agreement was signed, but I insisted upon disarm- 
ament. That evening the time expired for the 
arms to be handed in. We were informed by the 
local militia that some arms were handed in vol- 
untarily, but many more remained. 

The following morning a train with General 
Knox and his Staff pulled into the station. I 
reported the whole occurrence to him, and how I 
had received and sent forward notice of his com- 
ing and the object of his journey. It was here that 
he informed me of the outrage which the Jap- 
anese officers had perpetrated upon him, in spite 
of the fact that a big Union Jack was painted on 
the side of each carriage of his train. 

The inhabitants of Zema were just congratulat- 
ing themselves on having got rid of the Anglisky 
when they suddenly found machine-guns in posi- 
tion ready to spray all the main thoroughfares 
with lead should occasion arise. Sections of the 
town were searched, house by house, until the piles 
of arms necessitated transport to remove them. 
Eeal sporting guns which could be used for no 
other purpose, and the owners of which were guar- 
anteed by the local police, were returned. In some 
houses dumps of looted fabrics from other towns 
were taken possession of, and altogether work 
for the Courts was found for the next two months. 
The echo of Zema travelled far and wide, and 

124 



BEYOND THE BAIKAL 

gave the authorities an object-lesson how to tackle 
a cancer as deadly as it was devilish. When Ker- 
ensky destroyed the old Eussian army 16,000,000 
ignorant, uneducated soldiers took their rifles and 
ammunition home. This was the insoluble prob- 
lem of every attempt to re-establish order in the 
Eussian dominions. The Middlesex' Eegiment 
made the first plunge at Zema, others soon fol- 
lowed along the path indicated. 

We re-armed the local Militia, and we took the 
remainder of the confiscated arms to Omsk, where 
they were handed over to the Eussian authorities 
for the new Eussian army. I wired to Irkutsk for 
reinforcements for the local Militia, as I did not 
think them strong enough to deal with the possi- 
bilities of the situation. The commandant at Ir- 
kutsk wired that he had information which proved 
there was no truth in the rumoured approach of 
Bolshevik forces, which I knew merely indicated 
his determination not to weaken his own guard. 

At midnight I started on my further journey. 
About a fortnight later I received a despairing 
message from the local Militia Chief for help; 
he was nearly surrounded with the Baikal Bol- 
shevik contingent, who had suddenly appeared. 
I took the message to Eussian headquarters at 
Omsk, and called attention to my wire to Irkutsk 
and the refusal to protect this part of the line. 
Later I received reports from the commander of 
the Eussian force sent to deal with the situation. 
He said that the Bolshevik leader had come into 

125 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

Zema expecting to receive material and militarj 
help from the people. He found the people dis- 
armed and unfriendly, and determined to take no 
part in further outrages against established or- 
der. He wreaked vengenance upon some of his 
false friends, and was then surprised by Govern- 
ment troops, who dispersed his forces, killing 180, 
capturing 300, together with ten machine-guns 
and 150 horses. As a rule Bolshevik contingents 
were easily disposed of in a town. They usually 
looted everything and everybody. Officers were 
elected from day to day, with the result that such 
a thing as discipline did not exist. Had that party 
arrived when I was there we should have had a 
pitched battle worth a lifetime, for as it turned 
out they had many machine-guns, while we had 
only four, but there would never have been any 
doubt about the result, for though we were only 
a garrison battalion the steadiness of my men 
under fire had hitherto been excellent. 

We had been passing through hundreds of miles 
of wonderful virgin forests for the last two weeks, 
with only an occasional opening for village cul- 
tivation, and an occasional log town of more or 
less importance. At last we arrived at Krasnoy- 
arsk, a large, straggling town of great importance, 
on the River Yenisie. As we approached we 
passed miles of derelict war material — tractors, 
wagons, guns of every kind and calibre, all cast 
aside as useless, there being no place where minor 
defects could be repaired. Some had no apparent 

126 



BEYOND THE BAIKAL 

defects, but there they lay, useful and useless, a 
monument to the entire absence of organisation 
in everything Russian. I found the town in a 
very disturbed condition, and it was necessary 
to guard the huge bridge, so accepted the sug- 
gestion to quarter a company under the command 
of Captain Eastman, O.B.E., in the excellent bar- 
racks which had been prepared for my unit. This 
place had been originally fixed upon as the sta- 
tion for the whole battalion, but important events 
were happening in Omsk. 

Our High Commissioner, Sir Charles Eliot, and 
the Chief of the British Military Mission, General 
Knox, had already arrived there, and required 
a guard, hence I was ordered to proceed with the 
remainder of my battalion. "We remained in 
Krasnoyarsk for two days, and marched through 
the town and saluted the British Consulate. The 
last evening the usual banquet was held in our 
honour, and is worth a few words because of an 
incident which created great interest at the time. 

The guests were made up of many officers and 
others in uniform, and also civilian representa- 
tives of the town council, the district Zemstvo, 
and other public organisations. The usual fra- 
ternal speeches and toasts were given, and not 
more than the usual six speakers attempted to de- 
liver an address at one time. A number of dark- 
featured, glowering civilians sat at a table almost 
opposite myself— men who, by their attire and 
sombre looks, appeared to be unsuited to the ban- 

127 



WITH THE 'T)IE-HARDS» IN SIBERIA 

quet atmosphere, and out of place amongst the 
gorgeous uniforms of Cossack Atamans and Rus- 
sian generals. They seemed to take not the slight- 
est interest in the proceedings except for a few 
moments, when certain of my words were being 
translated. All seemed bent on the business of 
the evening. 

A Social Revolutionary representative delivered 
a furious tirade, which I could get my officer to 
translate only in part, but even that part showed 
me the world-wide division of opinion amongst 
my Russian hosts. The orchestra, composed of 
German and Austrian prisoners, discoursed sweet 
music during the evening. A Cossack officer, who 
had drunk a little vodka, rose and gave an order 
to the band, but the prisoners only got out about 
three notes. What was in those notes Heaven 
only knows. Instantly the whole banqueting hall 
was a scene of indescribable confusion. Tartar 
and Cossack shouted with glee. Older Russian 
officers ordered the band to stop, and vainly tried 
to silence the disorder. The dark-visaged and ap- 
parenl^ly unemo'tional civilians threw off their 
cloak of unconcern and hurled epithets and defi- 
ance at their fellow-countrymen in uniform. Then 
they all rushed out of the building in a body, hiss- 
ing and spluttering like a badly-constructed fuse 
in a powder trail. It was like the explosion of 
a small magazine. I had no idea what had hap- 
pened, but took in the full significance of the scene 
I had witnessed when told that the notes which 

128 



BEYOND THE BAIKAL 

had acted like a bomb were the first line of * ' God 
Save the Tsar." A few miles farther on the Au- 
tocrat of all the Eussias had already met an ig- 
nominious death, having been thrown down, a dis- 
used pit near the line dividing Asia and Europe. 
Yet in death, as in life, he remained the divider 
of his people. 

The trains started during the night, and on 
the evening of the next day we arrived at 
Hachinsk, where a Eussian guard did the usual 
military honours, and a sad-faced, deep-eyed 
priest presented me with bread and salt, as be- 
comes a Tartar who welcomes a friend. It was 
lucky for me that I had some little training in 
public speaking, and that ^^Poll^ovnika Franka" 
could make such excellent transjations, or we 
might not have made such a good impression as 
I flatter myself we did on some occasions. At last 
we arrived at Omsk, the end of our present jour- 
ney, having passed in a zig-zag direction almost 
round the world. A few miles to the Urals and 
Europe again — so near and yet so far. 



129 



CHAPTEE IX 

OMSK 

The town itself, not caring to pay the nsnal 
toll demanded by the railway prospectors, like so 
many other towns of Siberia, is situated several 
versts from the main trunk line. To overcome 
this inconvenience a branch line, since erected, 
runs up to the town itself. The date of our ar- 
rival was October 18, and a right royal welcome 
awaited us. The station was decorated with the 
flags of all nations, the Eussian for the first time 
predominating. We were met by General Mat- 
kofsky, the commander of the district, and his 
Staff, who welcomed us on behalf of the new Eus- 
sian Army, by M. Golovaehoif (Assistant Minis- 
ter for Foreign Affairs), the municipal authori- 
ties, and the co-operative societies. The women 
of Eussia presented us with bread and salt, and 
generally-speaking the people of Omsk gave us a 
real Eussian welcome. 

The ceremonial over, the men were taken to 
the cadet school for tea and entertained, while 
the Eussian officers regaled the Middlesex officers 
at a huge feast in the officers ' club. We were in- 
troduced to all and sundry, and began to mix 

130 



OMSK 

wonderfully well. If we had laid ourselves out, 
we might have visited every decent Kussian home 
in Omsk. As it was, we soon became so much in 
demand that most of us had in a short time formed 
lasting friendships with a most charming set of 
people. Their welcome was doubtless tinged with 
relief, which the presence of well-disciplined 
troops gave for the safety of themselves and 
friends. The wife of a Kussian general told me 
that she felt as though for the first time she could 
sleep peacefully in her bed. The little cadet son 
of an officer gave permission for his loaded rifle 
to be taken from the side of his bed, where it had 
rested every night since the Bolshevik revolution 
and the cadet massacres had commenced. The 
presence of those 800 English soldiers gave such 
confidence and security to the people of Omsk that 
it was pathetic dn its simplicity and warmth. 
However suspicious of each other as a rule the 
Russians may be, when their confidence is given 
it is given generously and without reservation. 
As to its lasting qualities, that has to be proved, 
but at the time it is something real and tangible ; 
no amount of trouble taken for one's comfort is 
too great. 

On the day of our arrival, I had only a few 
moments for conversation with Sir Charles Eliot, 
our High Commissioner, on the political situation. 
I gathered from him and his staff that a desperate 
effort was being made to join the forces of the 
Directorate of Five which stood as the All-Rus- 

131 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

sian Government, and received its authority from 
the Constituent Assembly at Ufa, largely Social 
Revolutionary in character, and the Siberian Gov- 
ernment, the outcome of the Siberian Districts 
Duma, which met at Tomsk, and was largely re- 
actionary^, with a small mixture of Socialist opin- 
ion. The English and French representatives 
were genuinely anxious that a workable compro- 
mise should be made between these two groups, 
and a Cabinet formed that would give confidence 
to moderate Russian opinion, and so command 
Allied recognition. This, very desirable ambi- 
tion of the Allied ^'politicals" had the sympathy 
of every friend of Russia, but advice is one thing, 
accomplishment another. It was impossible to 
expect that the effects of hundreds of years of 
tyranny and bad government could be swept away 
by the waving of a diplomatic wand. The Si- 
berian Government was largely composed of the 
old gang, revolutionary and Royalist, and derived 
its support almost exclusively from the desire of 
the people to escape further bloodshed, and was 
guarded by the Royalist Cossack clans, as law- 
less as they are brave. 

The Ufa Directorate derived its authority from 
the moderate social revolutionary party, com- 
posed of the intelligentsia — Republican, visionary, 
and impractical. Kere^sky was, from all ac- 
counts, a perfect representative of this class — 
verbose and useless so far as practical recon- 
structive work was concerned. This class blamed 

132 



OMSK 

the unswerving loyalty of tlie Cossacks and the 
old army officers for all the crimes of which the 
Tsars were guilty, and had hunted them like rats 
in cellars and streets during the worst days of 
the second revolution. The officer and Cossack 
class cursed Kerensky and the Social Revolution- 
aries for destroying the. old army, and letting free 
the forces of Anarchy and Bolshevism, which had 
destroyed the State, and which had massacred 
the manhood of Russia in an orgy of violence and 
hate. Make no mistake as to the apportionment 
of blame. Kerensky is considered by all classes 
of Russian society as the cause of all their calam- 
ities. They think, rightly or wrongly, that at 
the supreme moment, when the destiny of his 
race and country was placed in his hands, he 
proved traitor to the trust, and that had he pos- 
sessed one-tenth of the courage of either Lenin 
or Trotsky, millions of Russians would have been 
saved from worse than death. 

To combine these hostile and divergent ele- 
ments into a united party for the resurrection 
of Russia seemed impossible to me, also to one 
other Britisher, Mr. David Frazer, a Pekin cor- 
respondent. But the *' politicals'' thought other- 
wise. That they were guided by the highest mo- 
tives, and that they gave of their very best, in 
the interest of the Russian people, no one who 
has the slightest knowledge of the high personal 
character of our representatives could doubt for 
a moment, but they tried to attain the unattain- 

133 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

able. The most that can be said of the policy- 
is that it was worth attempting. Try they did, 
and under the influence of the Bolshevik guns 
booming along the Urals, and Royalist conspir- 
acies at Chita, a piece of paper was produced 
with a number of names upon it, which seemed to 
bear the resemblance of a working arrangement 
between these two opposites. I am writing this 
within three weeks of the occurrence, and may 
modify my views later, but for the life of me I 
cannot understand the satisfaction of our *^ po- 
liticals" with their work. They *' downed tools'' 
at once and disappeared from the scene of their 
triumph as though the few names on a piece of 
paper had solved the whole problem of the future 
of Russia. It would be mighty interesting to 
know the nature of their communications to their 
respective Governments. One thing, however, had 
been done which was fated to have important 
after-effects. Vice-Admiral Kolchak had been 
brought into the new Council of Ministers, with 
the title of Minister for War. 

I had never met the officer, and knew nothing 
about him or his reputation, and merely lumped 
him in with the rest, as an additional unit in 
an over-crowded menagerie. Frazer and I had 
many talks about these events, but we could fas- 
ten on to nothing real in the situation, except 
danger. 

On November 6, 1918, we were all invited to 
a banquet in honour of this new All-Russian Gov- 

134 



OMSK 

emment. It was to be the climax of all our ef- 
forts and a tangible evidence of the successful ac- 
complishment of a great diplomatic task. I was 
rather late, and the anterooms were already filled 
with soldiers and diplomats in grand uniforms, 
with glittering swords and decorations. I watched 
this peculiar and intensely highly-strung crowd 
with the greatest interest, and except for one fig- 
ure, a sort of cross between a Methodist parson 
and a Plymouth Brother, was struck by the com- 
plete absence of personality amongst the people 
present. The parsonified person referred to 
turned out to be the Social Kevolutionary Volo- 
godsky, President of the Siberian Council, who 
had now transferred his love from Siberia to the 
whole of Russia. But as my liaison officer was 
repeating the names of those present a smart, lit- 
tle energetic figure entered the room. With an 
eagle eye he took in the whole scene at a glance. 
The other officers had bowed gracefully to all 
their friends and gallantly kissed the ladies' 
hands while around them buzzed the conversa- 
tion. 

For an instant the buzz ceased, during which 
the brown figure with the dark, clear-cut face 
shook hands with an officer friend and departed. 
The impression on my mind was that I had seen 
a small, vagrant, lonely, troubled soul without a 
friend enter unbidden to a feast. 

The new President of the Council of Ministers 
AvkzentiefP, presided, and as we sat down I found 

135 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

myself at the end of the head table, which gave 
me a good view of the stranger I had seen in the 
vestibule sitting second round the corner. The 
dinner was good, the vodka gave warmth to the 
blood and made a very pleasant contrast to the 
60 degrees below zero outside. Avkzentieff led 
the speeches. Immediately my mind flew to Hyde 
Park-corner, and then to the Lyceum stage with 
Irving in *^The Bells.'' He spoke with assumed 
sincerity, cutting the air with his hands as a Cos- 
sack sweeps off a head with his blade. He sank 
his voice and hissed his words in a hoarse stage 
whisper, while pointing to the ceiling with a dra- 
matic forefinger. In other words, he was the best 
actor it had been my pleasure to see for a long 
time — a second edition of his more famous col- 
league, the futile Kerensky. Little did I dream 
that within a few days I would beg for this man's 
life, and that the Middlesex Regiment would shield 
him from eternity. 

Then followed a speech by General Knox (chief 
of the British Military Mission), who implored 
all classes of Russian thought to pull together to 
establish an army and a Government capable of 
supporting law and public order, a speech full of 
patriotism and very much to the point. Next 
came General Bolderoff, Commander-in-Chief of 
the new Russian army and military member of 
the Ufa Directorate. He had the appearance of 
a big, brave, blundering Russian officer with not 
too much brain, cunning but not clever. I should,, 

136 



OMSK 

however, give him credit for more than ordinary 
honesty. 

Later Admiral Kolehak spoke, just a few short, 
definite sentences. Very few cheers or shonts 
greeted this orator. He seemed more lonely than 
ever, but presented a personality that dominated 
the whole gathering. There was the usual sign- 
ing of menus which were passed round. I sent 
mine direct to the Admiral for his signature, and 
when he automatically passed it to General Bold- 
eroff I said, *^Neaf (''No"), and it was re- 
turned with the solitary name of this solitary man. 
I was now absolutely satisfied that the new G-ov- 
emment was a combination that refused to mix, 
and took the most stringent precautions to see 
that my unit did not become involved in its im- 
pending overthrow. I, however, made an impor- 
tant discovery at this congratulatory banquet, 
namely, that Russia still had one man who was 
able to rescue her from anarchy. 

The business of Omsk went on much as usual, 
but Omsk Society became more subdued in its 
whisperings. Clique countered clique, and con- 
spirators undermined conspirators, while a pe- 
culiar tension hung over all. 

During the negotiations connected with the for- 
mation of this Government a very serious hitch 
occurred, which at one time threatened the whole 
project with disaster. General Bolderoff was 
known as a Social Revolutionary in politics. 
Through him this party had practically supreme 

137 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

control of the new army. Avkzentieff and com- 
pany, aiming at Social Revolutionary control of 
all the forces of the new Government, demanded 
that a Social Revolutionary should also control 
the newly organised militia, which was to act as 
a sort of military police under the new regime. 
This was resented by the more moderate members 
of both groups, as it would practically have placed 
all power in the hands of one group, and that not 
distinguished for administrative ability or cau- 
tion. In addition to which, the very claim made 
the moderates suspicious as to the use for which 
such power was to be employed. The presence 
of the Allies, and the determination to form some 
sort of administration, overcame these suspicions, 
and the moderates gave way, and left both forces 
under the command of the Social Revolutionary 
group. 

The Allies were pushing forward supplies in- 
tended for the new armies who were facing the 
Terrorists along the Ural front. But it was soon 
discovered that such arms were being deflected 
from their proper destination. The front line was 
kept denuded of arms and equipment, for which 
it was in the greatest need, while the militia in 
the rear and under Social Revolutionary control 
were being regimented and fitted out with every- 
thing they required. 

The appeals of the front line generals to Bold- 
eroff, the Social Revolutionary Commander-in- 
Chief, fell on deaf ears, and things were getting 

138 



OMSK 

into a serious condition. Admiral Kolchak, who 
had been made Minister for War, presented the 
appeals to General Bolderoff, and backed them in 
a very determined manner. Bolderoff was equal- 
ly outspoken, declaring that the appeals from the 
front were fictitious, and concluded one of these 
wrangles by informing the Admiral that it was 
not his business; that the Social Revolutionary 
group had been forced by one of the Allies to 
accept the Admiral as a member of the Govern- 
ment; that they had done so merely to secure 
Allied support and recognition ; and that he would 
only remain a member of the Government so long 
as he did not interfere in business, from which, 
by a resolution of the Directorate, he was ex- 
pressly excluded. Admiral Kolchak thereupon 
tendered his resignation, but was later prevailed 
upon to withdraw it so as to keep up a resem- 
blance of harmony before the Allied Powers. He, 
however, insisted upon making a personal in- 
spection of the front, which was granted, as much 
to get him out of Omsk as for the proper perform- 
ance of his Ministerial duties. 



139 



CHAPTER X 



ALONG THE URALS 



On November 4 I received a telegram from Mr. 
Preston, British Consul at Ekaterinburg, asking 
that a detachment might be sent to attend on No- 
vember 9 the inauguration of Czech national life 
and the ceremonial presentation of colours to 
four Czech battalions of the Czech national army. 
I consulted General Knox, and he having received 
a similar request from General Gaida, command- 
ing at Ekaterinburg, that a detachment should 
visit the several fronts over the Urals for the pur- 
pose of giving moral support to the war-weary 
veterans of our Allies, it was decided that I should 
take the regimental band and a guard of 100 
picked men for this purpose. Both Czech and 
Eussian were sad at the long weary wait between 
the promised help of England and the appearance 
of the first khaki-clad soldier on the scene. 

All preparations had been made for my jour- 
ney, and I was timed to start from Omsk at three 
p.m. on Friday. Early on Friday I was informed 
that Admiral Kolchak, the Minister for War, was 
also travelling to the Czech ceremony, and as en- 
gines were very scarce, asked if I would allow 

140 



ALONG THE URALS 

his carriage to be attached to my train. I read- 
ily consented. About midday a further note in- 
formed me that the AdmiraPs own car was found 
to be full of the wives and children of his old 
naval officers, that there were no other cars, but 
they hoped to be able to get another by seven p.m. 
The result was that we were late in leaving the 
town station. We had only got to the lower sta- 
tion — less than a mile on our journey — when the 
officials informed us that something had broken 
on the Admiral's carriage, which would take two 
hours to repair. I felt a deliberate attempt was 
being made by someone to prevent either the Ad- 
miral or myself from performing our journey. 
At eleven p.m. I walked out to the workshops 
where the repairs were being effected, and sat 
on an anvil until four a.m., through a horrible 
Siberian night, while a good-tempered Rusky 
blacksmith accomplished his part of the task. No 
Russian official would dream of doing a straight 
thing if a crooked one would accomplish his pur- 
pose. So Polkovnika Frank telegraphed in my 
name to all the railway section commandants or- 
dering them under pain of summary execution 
to clear their part of the line and prepare ex- 
press engines at each stopping-place ready for 
the Admiral's train the moment it came in. 

We bribed an old Russian Provodnik (guard) 
to get us a Russian flag to fasten on the AdmiraPs 
carriage, which he did. This was the first Rus- 
sian train that had dared to carry a Russian 

141 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

flag for nearly a year. We also had two Union 
Jacks, and altogether the Russian officials became 
suspicious that here at any rate was a combina- 
tion of colour to which the greatest respect must 
be paid. We finally started on our journey at 
seven a.m. instead of seven p.m., twelve hours 
late, and arrived at our destination one hour in 
front of time. 

Guards of honour awaited us, and breakfast 
of a more or less scanty character. A presenta- 
tion of bread and salt was made on a fine wooden 
dish, on which the ladies had painted a picture 
of the old monastery under whose walls the great 
Czech national ceremony was to take place. We 
marched past the building in which the Tsar 
Nicholas II. and his family had been imprisoned, 
and from which they were taken to die. I am 
anxious not to believe the untold horrors alleged 
to have been inflicted on the female members of 
his family, but they are told categorically. It is 
best to believe nothing you hear in Russia, and 
what you actually see is not always what it looks 
like. Suddenly we turned to the right, and entered 
a huge square already surrounded by Czech 
troops, infantry, artillery, and cavalry. It was 
indeed a great sight. 

On the highest corner of the square a platform 
was erected, on the right of which we were given 
the post of honour, and for some strange reason 
which I could not understand were asked to play 
the British National Anthem, when the whole 

142 



ALONG THE URALS 

Czecli army came to the present as the General 
and Staff with the colours entered the square. I 
felt that we were celebrating the birth of a na- 
tion. It had that peculiar solemnity about it that 
makes the moment feel pregnant with the world 
events. One of the units was my old Ussurie 
battalion, and our old chum Captain (now Col- 
onel) Stephan was the proudest man there as he 
bore from the hands of the priest the newly- 
consecrated colours of his country. What quanti- 
ties of beer we shall drink together if I ever see 
him in his dear Prague, thinking of our thirsty 
days in Eastern Siberia! It was my first intro- 
duction to the dashing young Czech officer. Gen- 
eral Gaida, who by sheer pluck had played such 
an important part in cutting a way for his army 
from west to east. 

We had the usual banquet, at which Admiral 
Kolchak delivered his first important speech since 
his appointment as Minister for War. I gave ex- 
pression to the delight of my own country at the 
birth of a new nation and the resurrection of free- 
dom amongst the subject peoples of the world, 
and my pleasure that the first act of the new Rus- 
sian Minister for War was to visit his army at 
the front and make himself personally acquainted 
with the conditions of the Russian soldiers who 
were so gallantly fighting to protect the people 
and the State from violence and anarchy. 

The ceremony over, we started at once for the 
Kungur front, and the early morning found us 

143 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

sliding rapidly down the European side of tlie 
Urals, through huge forests all loaded with snow, 
with a temperature quite impossible for British 
military operations. We arrived about eleven 
a.m. at the headquarters of the army under the 
command of General Count Galitzin. We held 
long conferences and then lunched in his mess, 
which was quartered in an eight-wheeled Ameri- 
can truck. An occasional shell exploded first to 
right and then to left, but none came very near, 
and by two p.m. they died away altogether. It 
was decided to march to the advanced outpost and 
take the band to give both friend and foe an op- 
portunity to judge a sample of British music. We 
got to the extreme point near which a cutting in 
the railway gave excellent protection for the band, 
while the Admiral's Staff and my Middlesex 
guard went forward to have a look at the enemy. 
The band started with '^Colonel Bogey,'' then 
something which I do not remember, and while 
we were groping about through machine-gun pits, 
&c., they gave * ' Tipperary. " That just put the 
finishing touch to Bolshevik patience. This fa- 
mous war tune got on their gunners' nerves, and 
they began to shell the tune for all they were 
worth. Needless to say, not a single shell went 
anywhere near the mark. All shrieked over our 
heads and exploded harmlessly among the forest 
trees. One dropped near the railway bridge and 
went off like a Hampstead squib on a wet bonfire 
night. It shows an utter lack of culture among 

144 



ALONG THE URALS 

the Bolshevik officers that they could not appre- 
ciate good music after we had taken so much 
trouble to bring it within their reach. The band 
finished and the shelling ended. I expect they 
fancied they had frightened my bandsmen, who, 
on the contrary, had enjoyed their unique exper- 
ience immensely. 

General Count Galitzin is a very fine type of 
the officer of the old regime. An aristocrat to his 
finger-tips, and a fine leader of men, born to com- 
mand, altogether the sort of man one would rather 
meet as friend than as foe. We discussed the 
possibility of an olfensive in the direction of 
Perm from where I humourously suggested we 
might be able to rescue the forces of General 
Poole, which had gone into winter quarters, some- 
where in the direction of Archangel. We re- 
turned to Ekaterinburg, and without stopping 
proceeded towards the Lisvin front to meet Gen- 
eral Pepelaieff. 

We arrived on the Lisvin front about ten a.m. 
next day, but did not see the enemy or hear his 
guns. This army had been compelled to retire 
some sixty versts a few days earlier, and its pres- 
ent position was none too secure. Pepelaieff is 
a young general, not more than 30, and looked like 
a real, hardworking soldier. His uniform was as 
dirty and worn, though not quite as dilapidated, 
as the majority of his soldiers'. He had absolute 
confidence that he could beat the enemy if his men 
had rifles and ammunition, which many had not. 

145 



WITH THE *T)IE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

Half his men were waiting for the rifles of com- 
rades who might be killed or frozen in the snow. 
The conferences were quite businesslike, and Ad- 
miral Kolchak's presence seemed to galvanise the 
whole army into life and energy. The Rusky sol- 
dat, whose boots had long since disappeared, and 
whose feet were bound up in bags to protect them 
from the snow, felt almost certain that proper 
boots and clothes would follow from the War Min- 
ister's visit. Pepelaieif came back in my carriage 
to meet General Gaida, and the Admiral also rel- 
ished a British soldier's rations as we discussed 
things generally, including the proposed advance 
and the necessary measures to make it into a vic- 
tory. 

We were to have next gone to the extreme right 
where General Verzbitsky operated on the flank, 
but the Admiral said the condition of the soldiers 
was so sad, and his business was to organise the 
rear and so secure the means by which the sol- 
dier at the front could do his duty. 

We saw the ceremonial of the presentation of 
colours to the 11th Siberian Rifles, a fine proceed- 
ing, greatly enhanced by the fact that three officers 
of the regiment had rescued the colours, originally 
presented by Peter the Great, from the Bolshe- 
vik revolutionaries, and, as pedlars and peasants, 
had trampled for months through the Bolshevik 
lines and brought them safely to the new regi- 
ment. 

It was necessary for the Admiral to Bee Gen- 
146 



ALONG THE URALS 

eral Surovey and General Detriks and their staffs 
at Chilliyabinsk, and also to have a look at the 
Ufa front. Travelling all night, we arrived at 
Chillyabinsk next morning, and after quite a for- 
mal inspection of guards we adjourned for lunch. 
The date I do not remember, but my old friend 
Colonel Pichon burst through all etiquette to in- 
form me of the terms of the armistice between 
Germany and the Entente, and brought out a 
bottle of champagne he had preserved for the oc- 
casion, and we swore by all the powers above and 
below that we were the greatest people the world 
in all its ages had ever seen, and intended to re- 
main so. 

Lunch over, I left the Admiral to his generals 
and walked a little through this straggling, snow- 
swept town, firmly believing that we were about 
to start for Ufa. At five p.m. I was informed that 
the conferences were over and there were urgent 
reasons for an immediate return to Omsk. I did 
not object, as I was not anxious to see more of 
this army of ill-fed, half-clad soldiers, struggling 
to save the States under intolerable conditions. 

We started on our return journey, and trav- 
elled till eleven a.m. next day, by which time we 
had arrived at Petropavlovsk. Here the Station 
Commandant informed us that General Bolderoff 
wished our train to wait for his, as it was most 
essential that he should have a conference with 
the Minister for War. This was the first intima- 
tion I had received that General Bolderoif had 

147 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

left Omsk and was on his way to visit the Ufa 
front. The Admiral invited me to his carriage 
and explained the critical situation at Omsk, but 
could give no reason for the sudden decision of 
the Commander-in-Chief to leave Omsk and meet 
him on the way. I had my suspicions that the two 
groups of the Government had come to grips, that 
each had decided to destroy the other, that Ad- 
miral Kolchak was being sounded as to which of 
these groups had his favour, and that his life 
and perhaps that of his British escort would de- 
pend upon his answer. Bolderoff and the people 
at Om^k were unaware of the presence of the 
British escort or its numbers, and while they may 
have discovered our joint appearance at the Ekat- 
erinburg function, there had been no original de- 
cision to accompany the Admiral to Chilliyabiusk. 
That was only arranged the previous day. In rev- 
olutions you can never be too careful, hence I 
gave orders to my men to load and be ready for 
instant action if necessary. Orders were also is- 
sued to patrol the platform and allow no people, 
uniformed or otherwise, to collect near the trains, 
and under no circumstances were the two sol- 
diers who were to accompany the Admiral to lose 
eight of him for one instant without reporting 
it to me. Two others stood guard at the entrance 
to General Bolderolf ^s carriage. "When I saw the 
look on the faces of the Commander-in-Chief's at- 
tendants I was satisfied that my precautions were 
no more than necessary. 

148 



ALONG THE URALS 

The GeneraPs train drew into the station, and 
Admiral Kolchak entered Bolderoff ^s carriage at 
exactly twelve noon on November 16, 1918. I 
asked my servant Moorman to take a snap of the 
two trains, as I felt that this conference was full 
of big events for Eussia. While taking the snap 
a returned emigrant workman spoke to my ser- 
vant in good English. He asked who all these offi- 
cers were, and what they were all talking about, 
and when my servant informed him he did not 
know, the emigrant said : ^ ^ It is all right so long 
as they do not want to bring back the old regime, 
but if that is their object, I can tell them that Eus- 
sia will never submit to live under it again." I 
thought, and think now, that in that worlanan's 
words I heard the voice of Eussia. The confer- 
ence between the Admiral and the General broke 
up at five 'clock ; it had lasted five hours. 

The Admiral was hungry, and came into my 
carriage for something to eat, his servants having 
nothing ready, as it is the Eussian custom never 
to start to prepare a meal till you are ready 
to eat it. 

After the meal we talked, and from the con- 
versation I gathered the nature of the questions 
discussed at his conference with the Command- 
er-in-Chief. He asked me whether in England 
our Minister for War had any responsibilities 
placed upon him for the supply of clothing, equip- 
ment, and general condition of the British Army. 
I replied that in England the Minister for War 

149 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

was responsible to the Cabinet and, through Par- 
liament, to the country for the general efficiency 
of the British Army in every detail. He asked: 
*^What would you think in England if the Com- 
mander-in-Chief told the Minister for War that 
these matters had nothing to do with him ; that he 
would be allowed to keep a small office, with two 
clerks, but no staff, as it was the Minister for 
War's name only that was of any use to the Di- 
rectorate (or, in your case. Cabinet), and the less 
he interfered with the affairs of his department 
the better for all concerned f I answered: **If 
I were the Minister I should claim to have abso- 
lute control of my department, or resign." He 
thought a minute, and said : ^ ^ That is what I have 
done," or *^what I intend to do," I forget which; 
from what follows, I think it must have been the 
former, because I asked him what General Bold- 
eroff said in answer to his claim, to which he an- 
swered: ^^ General Bolderoff is a very good man, 
and though he does not see everything as I wish, 
I think he understands the situation, and will him- 
self ask that greater power should be given to 
enable me to save the new Russian army, that it 
may be able to resurrect the Russian State." I 
well remember that word ** resurrect"; its mean- 
ing was so pregnant with truth — the State was 
dead ; Russia was no more ; resurrection was nec- 
essary. 

We arrived at Omsk Town Station at 5:30 on 
the evening of November 17, 1918. The Admiral 

150 



ALONG THE URALS 

thanked me for my help and my guard, and for 
the protection I had afforded him. I promised 
him my continued help and sympathy in his pa- 
triotic attempt to revive the spirit of his people. 
He went straight to his lodgings, and remained 
there. 

The Times correspondent in a message to his 
newspaper had suggested that the Admiral had 
prior knowledge of what was to happen that night 
in Omsk. I do not think that can be so. He may 
have guessed that something very unpleasant was 
in the wind — the least sensitive amongst those be- 
hind the scenes knew that — but what it was, from 
which direction it would come, or on whom it 
would fall was a secret known to but very few; 
and I am convinced the Admiral, except in a sec- 
ond degree, was not one of them. Colonel (soon 
to be General) Lebediff could tell the whole story, 
though his name was not even mentioned during 
the coup d^etat. A young and able Cossack officer, 
he was on the Staff of Korniloff when Kerensky 
invited the great Cossack General to march his 
army to Petrograd to save the newly elected Na- 
tional Assembly. It is well known how, when 
Korniloff obeyed, Kerensky treacherously turned 
and rent to pieces the only force which was moving 
at his own request, and could have saved Russia. 
He in turn became the victim of the ghouls who 
urged him to his deed. Lebediif escaped, but one 
can be certain that he retained a lasting hate to- 
wards the Social Revolutionaries who had be- 

151 



.WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

trayed his great leader. The comrades of Keren- 
sky — and in some cases the actual betrayers — had 
found refuge in the Directorate of Five and the 
Council of Ministers, and were continuing to play 
the same double game which had brought ruin on 
the first National Assembly and disaster upon the 
Eussian people. They were members of the same 
futile crowd of useless charlatans who, by their 
pusillanimity, had made their country a bye-word 
and the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk possible. I was 
in a position to judge. I was certain that this 
young man was the wrong sort to allow the exe- 
cution of his chief to pass without attempting pun- 
ishment. 

He had drifted down to Southern Eussia and 
joined General Denikin in his first efforts against 
the Bolsheviks. Sent from Denikin with des- 
patches to Omsk, he became the centre of a group 
of desperadoes who were in want of a cool brain 
to make them formidable. 

The state of Omsk at this time was simply in- 
describable. As soon as darkness set in every 
night rifle and revolver shots and shouts could be 
heard in all directions. The morning sanitary 
carts picked up from five to twenty dead officers. 
There were no police, no courts, no laws, no any- 
thing. In desperation the officers grouped them- 
selves together, and hit back indiscriminately at 
the people they thought responsible for the mur- 
der of their comrades. So a fair proportion of 
civilian bodies became mixed up with those wear- 

152 



ALONG THE URALS 

ing uniforms. That the officers got home at last 
on the right people is proved by the fact that 
these nightly murders grew less, and then practi- 
cally ceased altogether. 

It was into this scene of blood that we were 
hurled, and this was the condition that had be- 
come quite normal in the capital under the rule 
of the Directorate. They were the most unmiti- 
gated failures that even poor distracted Eussia 
had so far produced, and the people waited hop- 
ing and longing for their speedy removal. I was 
not at all surprised when next morning my liaison 
officer. Colonel Frank, returned from the Eussian 
headquarters much perturbed, and in great ex- 
citement informed me that Eussia was doomed 
never to rise out of her troubles. I asked why. 
He answered that during the night some villains 
had arrested the Social Eevolutionary members 
of the Directorate and Government; that no one 
at headquarters knew the persons who had again 
upset the whole government of the country, and 
he had no doubt that the members of the late Gov- 
ernment were already murdered. I took the nec- 
essary precautions for the safety of my command, 
and awaited developments. I knew that the tele- 
graph east was cut, and that a coup d'etat was in 
course of execution. 



153 



CHAPTER XI 



WHAT HAPPENED AT CMSK 



At 11 a.m. November 18 I was officially in- 
formed that the Council of Ministers had assem- 
bled at 9 a.m., and were then in session, having met 
to consider the situation produced by the arrest 
of the Directorate. They had already asked Ad- 
miral Kolchak to accept supreme authority, but he 
had refused. The Ministers had great hope that 
for the sake of Eussia the Admiral could still be 
prevailed upon to take the burden of Government 
upon himself, as he was the only one who could 
get the country out of her desperate situation. 
The wildest rumours were in circulation — that 
my carriage would be attacked by bombs; and 
that the British would at any time be obliged to 
fight for their lives. I told them they need not 
worry about us; we were well able to take care 
of ourselves. They could not understand onr in- 
difference. The fact was that not a man or offi- 
cer in my battalion had the slightest inkling of 
the position. Then the tune changed. Would I 
defend the Ministers who were still in session 
if they were attacked? My answer was that any 
political refugee who sought asylum in my lines 

154 



WHAT HAPPENED AT OMSK 

would be protected, but be must give up every 
idea of again taking part in Kussian affairs. **But 
wbat would you do if tbe Russian troops revolted 
and sought to murder tbose who bad come into 
your lines; would you give tbem upT' ^^ Never!'' 
**Wliat if tbe Czecb commanders made tbe de- 
mand/' *^ Still never! Besides wbicb, tbe Czecbs 
are too honourable ever to make such a demand 
that no soldier could accept.'' The last question 
was the most important of all, and was doubtless 
the kernel, the others being mere camouflage. 
The Czechs had just inaugurated their National 
Eepublican Government, and were naturally ob- 
sessed with the usual Liberty, Equality, and Fra- 
ternity business, and could not be expected to 
view the establishment of a dictatorship within 
their sphere of operations with entire unconcern 
or without serious misgivings. The hostile atti- 
tude of the Eussian branch of their National Coun- 
cil, at Ekaterinburg, and Chilliyabinsk, directly 
they heard of Kolchak's acceptance of the su- 
preme authority, was proof of the danger which 
might come from that quarter. 

The Council of Ministers, and perhaps Kolchak 
himself, were unable to take the final plunge until 
they had a thorough understanding of the British 
attitude. The position of the Czech forces at 
Omsk made it impossible for them to approach the 
place where the Ministers were in session with- 
out passing the British, and my machine guns 
coimnaiided every avenue leading to or from the 

155 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA! 

Eussian Headquarters. Things were now in sncli 
a state of tension that for the safety of my com- 
mand I informed both Russians and Czechs that 
I should not allow bodies of troops or citizens 
either to approach or collect near my cantonment, 
and that such approach or collection would be 
treated as hostile, and dealt with accordingly. 

That these arrangements gave the Ministers 
greater confidence to proceed with their policy I 
have no doubt. That was one of the inevitable 
consequences of the preparations for our own de- 
fence, but not the cause of their policy, which was 
entirely their own. It did steady the situation. 

I place these facts on record that those who are 
interested may be able to give them their proper 
order of value and importance. I afterwards 
learnt that more than one highly placed official's 
wife had all preparations made for a rapid de- 
scent upon the Middlesex Quarters. About 2.30 
p.m., November 18 ; I was informed that Admiral 
Kolchak had assumed absolute power under the 
title of ^* Supreme Governor," with a Council of 
Ministers who would be responsible to him for 
the proper performance of their duties; that he 
proposed to call on the French representative, 
Monsieur Eenault, to present himself in the eve- 
ning ; that he would then call on me, as the senior 
British officer in Omsk, and in my case he would 
answer any questions I chose to put to him. 

He called and it is as well to place here the re- 
port I made upon the subject at the time. 

156 



WHAT HAPPENED AT OMSK 

From Lieut.-Col. John Ward, M. P., C. M. G., 

Omsk, Siberia. 
To G. 0. C, China Command, 
Thro. B. M. M. H. Q., 

Hdqtrs. B. M. M., Vladivostok. 

Sir. — For State reasons I deem it necessary to give the fol- 
lowing information, that it may be forwarded home to the 
proper authorities. 

About 2:30 p.m. on November 18th, 1918, my Liaison Offi- 
cer (Col. Frank, of the Russian Army), informed me that at 
a meeting of the Council of Ministers just held, the Council 
had offered to place supreme sovereign power in the hands of 
Admiral Alexandra Kolchak. The Admiral had first refused 
to accept, but that such pressure had been applied to force 
him to accept, that he had at last reluctantly consented. 

Further that Admiral Kolchak had assumed the title of 
"Supreme Governor of all Russia" and was calling upon the 
French Ambassador in the evening, after which he would 
call on me as the Senior British officer holding official posi- 
tion in Omsk. 

About 9 p.m. Admiral Kolchak called at my Headquarters; 
the following gentlemen were present to receive him, Lieut.- 
Col. J. F. Neilson, Capt. Stephan, Col. R. Frank (Russian 
Army), and Mr. Fraser {Times correspondent); he wore the 
full dress of a Russian Admiral. 

The Admiral, who speaks fair English, informed me of the 
circumstances and reasons for his assumption of supreme 
authority in all Russia. 

An attempt had been made to combine all parties in the 
Government of the country, to reduce it to a state of order, 
so that the people might be able to decide the future Govern- 
ment of Russia. The Council chosen by the Ufa Assembly had 
tried to work together for this purpose, but had failed. The 
final dissolution had been brought about by a proclamation 
issued by the Central Committee of Social Revolutionary party, 
which was intended to produce in the new army, the same con- 
ditions that had destroyed the old army. The proclamation 

157 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

had been signed by the Social Revolutionary President "Cher- 
noff/' and when it was proposed to take action against those 
who were destroying the discipline of the Army, two Social 
Revolutionary members of the Council, Avkzentieff and Zensi- 
noff, could see nothing wrong in Chernoff's subversive propa- 
ganda. It later transpired that both were members of the 
Social Revolutionary Committee which had issued the litera* 
ture in question, and refused to either leave the Social Revo- 
lutionary Committee or repudiate the anti-discipline propa- 
ganda of their friends. 

This brought the new Government to a complete standstill, 
and faced with absolute anarchy, the Council of Ministers had 
no alternative but to dissolve the old directorate of five, and 
centre the supreme power in one person, to whom the Coun- 
cil of Ministers would be responsible for the administration 
of their several departments. 

I answered that the reasons, coupled with my own knowledge, 
appeared to justify the action, but I had heard that the Social 
Revolutionary members of the Directorate and others had been 
arrested, and that if this action, supposed their execution, it 
would make the whole proceedmg look like an attempt on the 
part of the old Army officers, to destroy the present arrange- 
ments, in favour of a return to the old regime. Further, if 
the people of England thought this was the policy of the 
Admiral and his friends, they would not only lose the friendly 
sympathy of the English people but also of America and 
France. 

Admiral Kolchak replied, that at the moment he did not 
know the whereabouts of the prisoners, but he would make 
enquiries and inform me later. That his sole object in bur- 
dening himself with the overwhelming responsibilities of Su- 
preme Governor of Russia in this sad hour of her history, was 
to prevent the extremist on either side continuing the anarchy 
which made the establishment of a free constitution impos- 
sible. That if his action at any future time was not in har- 
mony with the establishment of free political institutions as 

158 



WHAT HAPPENED AT OMSK 

understood by the Democracy of England, he would be con- 
vinced that he had failed. 

I thanked him for his good opinion of my country, and 
called his attention to the letter of His Majesty, the King, to 
President Wilson received at Omsk on November 14th, 1918, 
in which the principles of democracy and freedom were ex- 
alted, and warned him that the free peoples of the world would 
resist any attempt to force the Russian people back under a 
system of tyranny and despair. 

Admiral Kolchak replied that he had read the letter of 
His Majesty the King of England, and his one hope was that 
soon Russia might enjoy the blessing of equally free insti- 
tutions. 
Omsk, Siberia, 

20th November, 1918. 

From Lieut.-Col. John Ward, M. P., CM. G., 

Omsk, Siberia. 
To G. 0. C, China Command, 

Through B. M. M., Hdqtrs, B. M. M., Vladivostok. 

Further report on Political Crisis in Russia. 

Following my report of the assumption by Admiral Kolchak 
of the Supreme Governorship of Russia, I wish to add: — 

As I was unable to secure any official information relative 
to the whereabouts of the members of the Directorate who had 
been made prisoners during the night of November 17th, I 
wrote a note to the Russian authorities (through Lt.-Col. J. F. 
Neilson) on the night of the 18th, requesting information upon 
the subject. On November 19th in the absence of informa- 
tion, I sent the following letter direct to Admiral Kolchak 
the Supreme Governor: — 

Omsk, 19, 11, 18, 3 p.m. 

From Colonel Ward, 

To Admiral Kolohak. 
After our interview last evening, I sent you a note (through 
Lt.-Col. J. F. Neilson) asking for information and some guar- 

159 



WITH THE *T)IE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

antee for the imprisoned members of the Council. So far I 
have received no information upon the subject. 

I have already told you that I am sure my country would 
look with grave concern upon any injury inflicted without 
proper trial upon these prisoners of State, and I should es- 
teem it as a favour, if you can supply me with information 
upon this subject. 

Yours sincerely, 
(Signed) John Ward, Lt-Coi 

Col. Frank, my liaison officer, took tlie letter to 
Russian headquarters, and on Ms return informed 
me that the Admiral thanked me for my letter, 
and that he was pleased to be able to allay my 
fears. 

Three officers named Lt.-Col. Krasilnikoff, Col. 
Volkov and Lt.-Col. Katanarv, had presented 
themselTes at Headquarters and reported that 
they took upon themselves the entire responsi- 
bility for the arrest of the members of the old 
Russian Government, that they had not injured 
them in any way, that they were prepared to hand 
their prisoners over to the authorities, together 
with several millions of roubles believed to be loot, 
and papers, which they had found in their pos- 
session. That the Admiral had placed the prison- 
ers under a strong guard of his own, and had 
placed the three officers under arrest to be tried 
by Court Martial. 

He further promised that no harm should come 
to them, and that he proposed to convey them out 
of the country, at the earliest opportunity* 

160 



WHAT HAPPENED AT OMSK 

November 20th, 1 p.m. 

Admiral Kolchak hearing that a supply guard of my bat- 
talion was returning to Vladivostok, has made request, that 
I would allow the railway cars conveying the State prisoners 
to some unknown point on the Chinese Frontier, to be attached 
to my train for purpose of secrecy and additional safety. I 
have consented and have strengthened the guard for this pur- 
pose. 
Omsk, Siberia, 21st November, 1918. 

From 2-Lieut. P. C. Cornish-Bowdbn, 

25th Bn. Middlesex Regiment. 
To The Adjutant, 

25th Bn. Middlesex Regiment. 
Sir. — I have the honour to report for the information of the 
Commanding Officer: — 

1. The train conveying the four Russian political exiles 
(Messrs. Aksventieff, Argimoff, Rogovsky and Zenzinoff) and 
the Russian Guard, together with a detachment of British 
Troops under my command, left Omsk about 2 a.m. on the 
21st November and arrived at Harbin on the 27th November. 
The journey was quiet. Most of the larger towns, where 
trouble was anticipated, were passed at night. 

2. I have since been informed by the Officer Commanding the 
Russian Guard that all traffic between Irkutsk and Chita was 
stopped by order of General Seninoff, and that the trains were 
searched for the exiles after we had passed, but I have no 
evidence in support of this. 

3. The exiles expressed the greatest possible gratitude for 
the presence of British Troops and said that they mistrusted 
their own Russian Guard; though I saw nothing whatever at 
any time to lead us to believe their suspicions were well 
founded. 

4. On arrival at Harbin, the exiles strongly petitioned me to 
aeoompany the train to Chang-Chun, and the Officers in charge 
of the Russian Guard being quite willing I decided to aocom- 

161 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

pany the train to the Chinese-Manchurian frontier. We 
reached Chang Chun about 2 a.m. on the 28th November, and 
the exiles left that place by themselves by train on the evening 
of the same day. 

5. We reached Harbin again on the 29th instant, where I 
parted company with the Russian Guard. We reached Vladi- 
vostok on the morning of December 2nd. I immediately re- 
ported to the 0. C. Detachment, and I reported the before 
mentioned facts verbally to General Knox. 

6. The conduct of the N. C. 0. and men of my detachment on 
the journey was very good and no increase of sickness took 
place amongst them. 

I have the honour to be. Sir, 

Your obedient servant, 
(Signed) P. C. Cornish-Bowden, 

2d Lieutenant. 
Vladivostok, Siberia, 2nd December, 1918. 

I had already gained enough experience of rev- 
olutions to know that if I did not press my point 
vigorously Avkzentieff and Company were as 
dead as mutton. I also knew that my countrymen 
have a rooted dread of dictatorships, and that if 
Admiral Kolchak's assumption of power was 
either connected with or promoted by the execu- 
tion of his oponents without trial, British Grov- 
emment would be made almost impossible. My 
own agents had discovered the place where the 
prisoners were detained, also that they were to be 
quietly bayoneted in the night, as shooting would 
attract attention. I was also certain that Kolchak 
knew nothing about this. The whole business was 
in the hands of an Officers' Revenge Society, a 
body who had sworn an oath to kill just the num- 

]62 



WHAT HAPPENED AT OMSK 

ber of Bolshevik revolutionaries as there had been 
ojBQcers murdered by Trotsky's and Avkzentieff's 
people. Both parties had similar combinations 
which left the marks of their foul deeds on the 
streets every night. 

The state of affairs was such that only by a 
dictatorship could the most rudimentary order 
be maintained. I, a democrat, believing in gov- 
ernment of the people by the people, thought I 
saw in the dictator the one hope of saving the 
remnants of Russian civilisation and culture. 
Words and names have never frightened me. If 
circumstances force on me a problem for solu- 
tion, I could never allow preconceived notions and 
ideas formed in the abstract, in the absence of the 
actual then existing facts, to warp my judgment 
in deciding the issue, and I am vain enough to be- 
lieve that, had the same situation presented itself 
to Englishmen generally, nine out of ten would 
have acted as I did. I merely '^carried on.*' The 
traditions of our race and country did the rest. 

Having (in my talk with the Admiral and the 
report I made) accepted the position of the Su- 
preme Governor, I did not mean that he should 
be left to fight his way unaided, against the ene- 
mies who surrounded him. In other words while 
outwardly remaining neutral, I constantly made 
representations and gave advice, when asked, 
about everything, both internal and external, and 
here it may be interesting to our own people to 
know some of the problems which confronted the 

163 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

Supreme Governor. The Japanese question was 
tlie first. General Romanoff was Bolderoff's 
Cliief of Staff, and it was important to the Su- 
preme Governor that he should get the hang of 
outstanding matters, and also make himself fair- 
ly acquainted with the policy of the deposed Di- 
rectorate. He interviewed General Romanoff and 
the Staff generally and discovered that after the 
fall of Samara the Bolshevik Army moved rap- 
idly towards Ufa, and the Directorate became so 
alarmed that they demanded some definite pol- 
icy from the Commander-in-Chief as to how he 
proposed to deal with this menace. Bolderoff 
never thought of effectively organising the New 
Russian Army, but suggested that things were so 
critical and England, France, and America so 
slow, that the only alternative was to invite the 
Japanese to push their Army forward to the 
Urals. This was exactly what Japan wanted, but 
the Japanese Staff demanded as a quid pro quo 
to their advance to Ekaterinburg and Chilleya- 
binsk that they should be placed in absolute pos- 
session of the Railway and Telegraph lines to 
those points. Bolderoff and the Directorate 
bogled at this for a time, but as the Bolsheviks 
began to get close to Ufa, and also concentrated 
an army of about one hundred thousand men for 
an offensive towards Ekaterinburg, the situa- 
tion became so pressing that the Directorate gave 
way and a few days before the coup d'etat Bold- 
eroff had sent word to the Japanese that their 

164 



WHAT HAPPENED AT OMSK 

terms were accepted. The Japanese had made 
all preparations to move, when Kolchak took 
the reins in his own hands. He asked my advice. 
I advised him to say to the Japanese, that the 
change of Government had also involved a change 
in its policy, and that^it would be inadvisable for 
them to advance beyond their present position 
at Chita, until the subject had been further dis- 
cussed. They made him many tempting offers 
of help, both arms and money, but he refused 
them all, and they were unable to move him. from 
the position he had taken up. 

A subject that led to unfortunate bickerings be- 
tween Admiral Kolchak and the French was the 
appointment by the Allied Council in Paris of 
General Ganin as the commander of the Allied 
and Kussian forces in Siberia. It is too impor- 
tant an item in the general failure of Allied policy 
to pass oyer without mention. From the very 
nature of the case the main Allied effort was the 
formation and organisation of a new Eussian 
army. Our policy was not to prop Russia on her 
feet, but to enable her to stand by herself. Major- 
General Knox had been sent out by the War Office 
to accomplish this purpose, and no more able or 
competent officer could have been appointed for 
the task. 

General Knox had hardly begun to perform this 
duty when the French agents in Siberia became 
alarmed for their own position. Cables were des- 
patched to Europe pointing out the danger to 

165 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

French prestige which General Knox's mission 
entailed. If the English were to be made respon- 
sible for the reorganisation of the Russian Army, 
and were successful, this would tend to make New 
Russia rely more upon the English than the 
French, as had been the case hitherto; that it 
would be better to leave Russia without an army 
than have it organised under such influence. 
These senseless fears of our French friends found 
willing listeners in Paris. General Knox had 
already made some selections of officers and the 
business was well under way when the message 
from the Allied Council in Paris put an extin- 
guisher on all his work. But his orders were can- 
celled, and he was told to do nothing until a French 
commander had been appointed, whose name 
would be forwarded later. 

By this uninformed Allied interference a well- 
thought-out scheme of army reorganisation was 
hung up for four of the most precious months to 
Russia. When General Ganin arrived the time 
for the project had passed, and the whole business 
had been taken out of the Allies' hands. 

The Russian situation at that time was such 
that four days' delay would have been fatal, and 
if nothing had been done for four months we 
should have been hunted out of the country. 

Finding Allied jealousy so great as to render 
all their efforts impotent, first General Bolderoff 
and then his successor, the Supreme Governor, 
began to organise armies on their own for the 

166 



WHAT HAPPENED AT OMSK 

•protection of the people and their property. 
These armies were ill equipped and badly disci- 
plined, not the sort of armies which would have 
been raised had General Knox's plans been al- 
lowed to develop, but they performed their duty, 
captured Perm, and had increased to over 200,000 
before General Ganin appeared on the scene. 

When General Ganin reported himself to the 
Supreme Governor with the Allied Councirs or- 
ders to take over the command of the Allied and 
Russian forces in Siberia, he was met with a blank 
refusal from the Omsk Government. 

I was consulted upon the question, and I am 
therefore able to give the reasons for their objec- 
tion. The Omsk Government's position was a 
very simple one: **Had General Knox or any 
other Allied commander organised, paid, and 
equipped the new Russian army he would have 
naturally controlled it until such time as a Rus- 
sian Government could have been established 
strong enough to take over the responsibility. 
The French would not allow this to be done, and 
we ourselves therefore undertook the duty. Hav- 
ing formed our own army in our own country, it 
is an unheard-of proposal that we should be 
forced to place it under the command of a non- 
Russian officer. It would be derogatory to the in- 
fluence and dignity of the Russian Government 
and lower the Government in the estimation of 
the people." 

From this position they never retreated, but Al- 
167 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

lied bungling had landed General Ganin, who is 
himself an able and excellent officer, in a not very 
dignified position. 

Bolderoff, as I have stated, was at the Ufa front 
when Kolchak assumed supreme power. He re- 
mained there in consultation with the Czech Na- 
tional Council and the members of the old Con- 
stituent Assembly for ^ve or six days, without 
a word as to his intentions. It was a critical po- 
sition for Kolchak, who did not know what he was 
doing or intended to do. Hot heads advised im- 
mediate action, but I advised caution. The sub- 
ject matter of Bolderoif's conferences or even 
whether he had any, we did not know, but we did 
know this: General Dutotf, who commanded the 
Russian armies south of Ufa, had certain pro- 
posals from Ufa put before him, and replied ad- 
vising caution, as he had it on unimpeachable au- 
thority that the English were behind A'dmiral 
Kolchak. This, I was told, fell like a bombshell 
among the conspirators at Ufa, and soon after 
General Bolderoif returned to Omsk. There he 
interviewed Kolchak as Supreme Governor, and 
made satisfactory statements relative to his ab- 
sence. He was offered a post, which he refused, 
stating that he wished to leave the country, as he 
did not believe that a Dictatorship couM help 
Russia out of her difficulties. His request was 
^ granted, and so ended a very different interview 
between these two men from that at Petropalsk a 
few days before. 

168 



WHAT HAPPENED AT OMSK 

Some time after this the Japanese representa- 
tive at Omsk requested to be informed whether 
General Bolderoff had been forced to leave the 
country, or had left voluntarily. This was an- 
swered in a definite way in accordance with the 
facts. In the same note they also demanded to 
be informed whether the British Army had sup- 
plied the train and guard which had taken the ex- 
iled Social Kevolutionary members of the Direc- 
torate to Chang Chun, on the Chinese frontier. 
This question was not answered quite so definitely, 
but the interest of the Japanese in these men 
shows how far the coup d'etat had upset their 
plans relative to the occupation of the Urals. 

The Supreme Governor issued definite orders to 
the different isolated sections of the Russian 
forces. All commanders obeyed these orders 
more or less except one. General Semenoff, whose 
headquarters were alongside that of the Japanese 
at Chita, from which he sent insolent refusals to 
recognise Kolchak's authority. Kolchak pre- 
pared to deal with this mutinous and buccaneer- 
ing officer. The Japanese at once plainly in- 
formed the Omsk Government that General Se- 
menoif was under their protection, and they would 
not allow the Eussian Government to interfere 
with him. 

Under Japanese protection this fellow continued 
to carry out indiscriminate executions, and flog- 
ging of workmen, until the whole district be- 
came depopulated, and the Allies were forced to 

169 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

demand an explanation from Japan for this ex- 
traordinary conduct. So fearful were tliey that 
their tool was about to be dealt with, that when 
the 19th Battalion of the Hampshire Territorial 
Eegiment started from Vladivostok, the Japan- 
ese asked the Omsk Government whether these 
British troops were coming forward to attack 
General Semenoif. The answer we gave was that 
all movements of British troops were conducted 
by the British Military Mission, to whom they 
must apply for information. I never heard any 
more of their enquiries. 

About this time a party of Cossacks, command- 
ed by a high officer, called at the prison one night, 
and produced to the Governor an alleged order for 
the release of nine political prisoners. The Gov- 
ernor handed the prisoners over ; they were taken 
away and next morning their friends found them 
shot. Someone ought to have been hanged, but 
Kolchak could find no one to hang. His Chief of 
Staff must have discovered some facts about the 
crime, but he refused to act. In fact, he did not 
acquaint the Admiral about the crime until it be- 
came public property four days later, when he 
was quite overcome, first with rage at the crime 
itself, and secondly at his impotence in being 
unable to prevent it. But Omsk went on the even 
tenor of its way. It is remarkable what horrors 
you can face without a tremor when you get used 
to them, as you must in revolutions. 



170 



CHAPTER Xn 

THE CAPTURE OF PEEM : THE CZECHS RETIRE FROM THB 
FIGHTING 

The coup d'etat had thrown the proposed Perm- 
offensive completely in the background. The 
Czechs, under the influence of their Political 
Council, who had joined the S. R. Committee, and 
their leader ^^Chernoff," retired to the rear. 
Each unit elected a committee and established a 
Soldiers' Council on the strictest Bolshevik plan, 
and ceased to be of further use either to the Rus- 
sians or to their own cause. The officers of the 
new Russian army became greatly concerned for 
the integrity of their own young troops with such 
a shocking example of lack of discipline before 
their eyes, and begged Admiral Kolchak to order 
these hostile political bodies out of Ekaterinburg. 
The Admiral offered them a town in the rear 
where they might discuss politics to their hearts' 
content, without danger to his army. This did not 
suit their plan, their object being to destroy the 
integrity of the new Russian army. Admiral Kol- 
chak, in desperation, ordered the leaders to be ar- 
rested and the conspiracy to be broken up. Gen- 
oral Gaida, though a Czech officer, put the Ad- 

171 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

miraPs order into effect, and handed tlie prison- 
ers over to tlie Commander-in-Chief, General Su- 
rovey, at Chilliyabinsk. General Surovey, under 
pressure of the Czech Council and ^'Chemoff's" 
Committee, released the prisoners, and began to 
hunt the famous young General Gaida out of their 
hitherto equally famous army. To save himself 
from disgrace at the hands of his political ene- 
mies, he resigned his commission in the Czech 
army, and by joining the Russian army was in- 
stantly re-established in his position as command- 
er of the Russian armies on the right. Thus fell 
the glorious Czech legions from their high pinna- 
cle of fame, killed like all armies must be, the mo- 
ment they join in party strife. 

From the point of view of purely Russian tao 
tics, it was necessary to strike south from Ufa, 
with the object of effecting a junction with the 
Orenburg Cossacks under General Dutoff, and 
if possible linking up with the forces of General 
Denikin in South Russia. But no exact or reliable 
information could be secured as to the strength 
or equipment of Dutoif or Denikin. 

On the other hand, it was known that an Anglo- 
Aimerican force had landed at Archangel, which 
it was presumed would be well supplied with win- 
ter equipment, and if once a junction could be ef- 
fected with this force, a channel for European 
supplies could soon be opened. Every cartridge, 
gun, rifle, and article of clothing had now to be 
shipped almost round the world, and brought over: 

172 



THE CAPTURE OF PERM 

about six thonsand miles of more or less disor- 
ganised railway communications. Kolchak had 
men, but no means for making them into fighters, 
unless supplied from outside. It was felt certain 
that if his armies could smash their way through 
to Perm, and hold a point somewhere between 
there and Vatka, the junction of the Archangel 
and Petrograd railway, the slightest movement of 
the Archangel expedition would result in a com- 
bination which could and would move straight 
forward to Petrograd, and free North Russia 
from the Terrorist. 

Originally I was to have operated in the centre 
with a detachment of the 25th Middlesex Battalion 
and four machine guns, and authority had been 
given for my part in the advance. The complete 
defection of the Czechs threw the time-table out 
of joint, and not even the restless energy of the 
Supreme Governor could make up this loss of 
nearly four weeks. In the meantime the cold be- 
came intense, and the British contingent, being 
only Bl men, had to drop out. General Gaida, 
with his Divisional Generals Galitzin, Pepelaieff, 
Verzbitzky, pressed forward their preparations, 
and after a splendid series of movements, cap- 
tured Perm with 31,000 prisoners and an enor- 
mous booty of war material. The losses of the 
Russians were about 6,000 killed, the Bolsheviks 
about 16,000. There were practically no wounded, 
for any man who sank in the snow was dead in 

173 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

an hour. Thus did the Admiral consolidate the 
power that had been entrusted to him. 

The Terrorists were completely demoralised, so 
that the army advanced to Glasoff, eighty miles 
east of Vatka and sixty miles south of Koltass. 
We were now only about 300 miles east of Pet- 
rograd, and there we waited for seven months 
for the Archangel move, which never came. For 
some time the country was so absolutely clear 
of enemy forces that small parties of men passed 
unmolested from Glasoff to Archangel and from 
Archangel to Glasoif. Eventually the Terrorist 
got the correct measure of this Northern expedi- 
tion, contained it with a slight screen and concen- 
trated huge forces to press us back over the Urals 
once more. 



174 



CHAPTER XIII 

THE DECEMBER EOYALIST AND BOLSHEVIST CONSPIEACY 

The tenure of a dictator's officer is very uncer- 
tain. He issues his orders, but if the army chiefs 
can escape from executing them they do so, on 
one pretext or another. The Russian character 
is most peculiar in this respect. It will obey one 
thing only, force. Patriotism and public spirit as 
we know them do not exist to any great extent. 
Every man looks at every order from the personal 
point of view. * * How will this affect me T ' Rare- 
ly, if ever, **How will it affect the country T' It 
is remarkable how much Kolchak has already ac- 
complished, but his career may end at any mo- 
ment, in spite of every precaution of his friends, 
and he has not many. No real dictator can expect 
to have any. The preparations for the Perm of- 
fensive were well under way, when a despatch 
came from General Dutoff, stating, *^That in view 
of the pressure by our forces on their left the 
Bolshevik leaders had decided to, what they called, 
* organise their enemies' rear.' That seventy of 
their best propagandists and most capable agents 
and officials had passed between his columns, and 
were now distributed somewhere in our midst. '^ 

175 



WITH THE 'q)IE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

All we could do was to wait and see wliere this 
treacherous movement would show itself first. 
The fact that Kolchak had declared for the calling 
of a National Assembly, elected by universal suf- 
frage, to decide the future government of Russia, 
80 soon as order was restored, had shattered com- 
pletely the vision of the old army officers of a 
quick return to absolutism. His declaration 
against extremists on either side had driven Bol- 
shevik and Tsarist into practically one camp. He 
was well known as a student of English customs 
and institutions, and a pre-revolution advocate of 
constitutionalism. They hoped his assumption of 
supreme authority was proof that he had discard- 
ed his democratic principles, but gradually his 
official declarations to the representative of the 
British Government leaked out and. spread con- 
sternation in the ranks of both sections of the ab- 
solutists. The Bolshevik leaders have never made 
any bones about their fear and dread of democ- 
racy, as understood in England, and have declared 
they would prefer a return to the old regime to 
having a Constitution like the English or Ameri- 
can forced upon them. Hence there is no real dif- 
ference of principle between the Bolshevik and 
the old regime, only a difference as to who should 
wield the power. For the moment they let this 
minor point slip into the background, and com- 
bined for the destruction of the man who was the 
enemy of both. 

About midnight, December 23d, Russian Head- 
176 



I 



ROYALIST AND BOLSHEVIST CONSPIRACY 

quarters gave me the alarm. Shots were being 
fired ill all directions, a spent bullet striking my 
carriage while I was getting into my clothes. 
Groups of horsemen were surrounding the Staffka 
in little cabals without much sign of order. Hav- 
ing inspected my battalion at their emergency 
quarters, I called for a personal guard to escort 
me to the Headquarters. I regret there was no 
impressionist artist there with us to record the 
weird procession my guard made. When sheep- 
skin coats were ordered for my men for use in a 
cold, snow-bound country, it is a real English 
touch that they should have been black in colour, 
making my men a perfect target both night and 
day. Their fur caps were a dark brown of the 
well-known Nansen type, the half -moon peak mak- 
ing the head of the wearer a good mark at mid- 
night up to 300 yards. The cap is pointed, and 
has much the appearance at night of a small mi- 
tre. What with huge fur boots, dark-brown, 
pointed caps, and long, black coats, there was 
nothing of the British Tommy in the line of black 
monks that moved silently forward over the 
frozen snow. The temperature was such that, as 
the slight wind brought the water to one's eyes, 
the drops froze to hard, white spots of ice at the 
comers. The breath froze before it could leave 
the nose, and from each nostril hung icicles in 
some cases two inches long, which again froze to 
the moustache. The eyebrows and eyelashes and 
the protruding fur edge which enclosed the face 

177 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

carried a wonderful display of hoar frost, and 
gave the appearance of white lace frills, such as 
you see on granny's caps. 

As we entered the Russian headquarters, which 
were crowded with more or less excited officers 
and men, my guard lined up on either side of the 
vestibule and without a word proceeded to unsling 
rifles and ^ bayonets. The Russians, who were 
even now debating on which side they were going 
to slide down, looked at my soldier monks, and 
at once themselves fell into line. There was no 
longer any hesitation. ^^Aoiglisky soldats^' were 
in possession of Russian headquarters, and the 
reputation of English soldiers in emergencies like 
this is well known all the world over. I inter- 
viewed the Chief of Staff, General Lebediff, as 
to his orders for suppressing the revolt, and went 
down to find the vestibule empty except for my 
monks. No one who was not there could believe 
the absolute transformation that the mere pres- 
ence of a few English soldiers had on this critical 
situation. In revolutions every rule and safe- 
guard of society is uprooted. The people feel, as 
in an earthquake, nothing is secure; everyone 
doubts his neighbour. If those who are prepared 
to support authority can only discover at the 
right moment one little group round whom they 
can rally and who they know will think nothing 
of death in performance of duty the danger is 
over at once. Hesitancy disappears, the normal 
is instantly produced. We filed out to find the 

178 



ROYALIST AND BOLSHEVIST CONSPIRACY 

infantry in their ranks and the horsemen mount- 
ed in line, under their officers, awaiting orders. 

I proceeded through the town to the residence 
of the Supreme Governor. On our way we passed 
parties of soldiers and Cossacks hurrying to their 
posts. Each party eyed us suspiciously, but on 
seeing me at the head in the uniform of a British 
officer, ejaculated loudly to their command the 
magic word ^^Anglisky,'' until, like a talisman, 
the word passed from sentry to sentry and street 
to street, and ''Anglisky'^ became the symbol 
which held the whole town for law and order. We 
passed towards the admirars house without chal- 
lenge, until the Cossack and Serbian guard at the 
actual entrance called us to halt pending the Gov- 
ernor's orders. The order soon came for us to 
enter. The admiral is ill, very ill with inflamma- 
tion of the lungs, but as brave as ever. My monks 
lined up in the vestibule in the same manner as at 
headquarters, and even the personal Serbian 
guard had to make way for these queer-looking 
visitors. 

I got the information required; the revolt was 
very serious, but I was able to inform the admiral 
that eifective measures had now been taken to 
provide for all eventualities. I begged leave to 
depart, which was granted, but not before my men 
had been given food and a taste of Russian vodka, 
which appears to be the only effective antidote to 
the cold of a real Siberian winter. I returned to 
find that the fact that the English soldiers were 

179 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

out was known in every house in Omsk, and nu- 
merous requests for protection had been received 
on the telephone from the highest to the lowest. I 
give no names, but the fact shows what a re- 
markable influence the presence of a few British 
soldiers had in steadying the situation. 

My orders were to take no part in the internal 
affairs of Russia, but it is the duty of every com- 
manding officer to take every means to protect his 
command. If I had remained in my quarters, and 
made no sign until these Royalist and Bolshevik 
enemies had obtained possession of the town, I 
would have presented a dainty morsel which they 
could have masticated at leisure. I had to show 
my hand early enough to make sure it did not go 
against me. It turned out that I marched out of 
my barracks just when news had been brought of 
the mutiny under Royalist and Bolshevik leader- 
ship of two companies of the 8th Regiment of the 
new Russian army. A body of Bolsheviks at Kou- 
lomsino, on the outer side of the river, had taken 
up arms, and were bent on the destruction of the 
bridge over the Irtish, which would destroy the 
communications with the armoured trains of his 
Majesty's ship Suffolk and our naval detachments 
at Ufa. The Czechs (our Allies), who had the 
same orders as myself, on learning that the Tsar- 
ists were also in the conspiracy, frustrated this 
by instantly moving forward a company for its 
protection, and only averted this just in the nick 
of time. Had we acted strictly to orders, heaven 

180 



ROYALIST AND BOLSHEVIST CONSPIRACY 

knows what the result would have been. We both, 
British and Czech, had to act on our own judg- 
ment, and, while we disobeyed orders, we fulfilled 
the policy of each country and protected our com- 
mands. 

It cost nearly a thousand lives to restore order, 
but the lawless elements, top and bottom, were 
taught a lesson they are not likely to forget. This 
happened in the middle of the Perm offensive. It 
did nothing to assist the Bolshevik cause, but it 
did much to embitter that struggle. 



181 



CITAPTEE XIV 

A BOMBSHEIZ. FKOM PAEIS AND THE EESULT 

These incidents gave place to more personal 
matters. About December 28tli, the staff of the 
Canadian Contingent under Lieut.-Col. Morrisy 
arrived, and just as one wonld expect revolutions 
in the distribution of my battalion and other mat- 
ters were instantly proposed. Some of them were 
carried out, and generally a strained feeling en- 
tered the British Camp at Omsk, which caused me 
to propose to Brigadier-General Elmsley that my 
headquarters should be transferred to Vladivos- 
tok. Luckily for the better understanding of all 
the 1st 9th Hampshire Territorial Battalion ar- 
rived on January 5th, 1919, under the command 
of Lieut. Col. Johnson. This officer gripped the 
situation at once, and took such steps in conjunc- 
tion with the High Commifsioner, Sir Charles 
Elliot, that I was prevailed upon to withdraw my 
request for the removal of my headquarters. Col. 
Johnson was a great accession of strength to the 
purely English point of view, and his battalion be- 
ing recruited from my home county, made all our 
relations wonderfully cordial. General Elmsley 
replied later, refusing my request, so that every- 

182 



A BOMBSHELL FROM PARIS 

thing fitted in just right. On January 8th, 1919, a 
parade was called to present General Stephan 
with the Legion of Honour and Major General 
Knox, the Chief of the British Military Mission, 
with the *^ Croix de Guerre. '' It was a real Si- 
berian day, 62 below ; in five minutes, ten men had 
frost-bitten ears. General Ganin, the French 
Commander-in-Chief of the Allied forces, made 
the presentations on behalf of the French Repub- 
lic, uttering a few kind words to each recipient. 
I received the hearty congratulations of all our 
friends, which kept me warm the whole day. I 
thanked Col. Pichon, who took over from me the 
command of the Ussurie front, and with whom I 
acted for some time, for this great honour. I felt 
sure that my decoration was the result of his re- 
ports upon myself, while acting together under 
very awkward circumstances. 

Towards the middle of January the British 
High Commissioner conveyed to Admiral Kol- 
chak an extremely sympathetic message from the 
British Government. The French High Commis- 
sioner followed next day with a similar message 
from the French Government, except that it dis- 
tinctly referred to the possibility of help and rec- 
ognition. The Allied representatives felt more 
happy and secure as a result of these felicitations 
than for some time, and the Russian authorities 
began to feel it possible to press on with the work 
of resurrection. A new page in the history of a 
great recovery had been added to Russian records. 

183 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

Exactly four days later a wireless message came 
through from Paris to say that the Allied Coun- 
cil had declared that it could give no help or reo- 
ognise either side ; that the different parties and 
Governments existing in Russia must bring about 
an armistice, and send* representatives to the 
Turkish ^'Isle of Dogs/^ near Constantinople, and 
arrange a compromise with each other. In other 
words, the Bolsheviks were to be recognised as 
legitimate belligerents, with whom it was quite 
possible to shake hands and sit do^Mi to draw up 
an agreement as to the proper method of conduct- 
ing a policy of rapine, robbery, and murder. 
Needless to say, every Britisher was disgusted, 
and every genuine Russian patriot was simply 
amazed. At one swoop, down went all our hopes. 
"We were crushed as much as, or more than, the 
Russians, because we had the honour of our coun- 
tries to defend, and defence seemed impossible. 
A sudden reaction against the European Allies 
set in act once, and became so violent that a Rus- 
sian gentleman by speech attacked the Allied offi- 
cers as they sipped tea in a well-known restau- 
rant, and the public refused to allow the guard 
which was called to arrest him to carry out the 
order. This feeling was undoubtedly exploited by 
the Japanese for their own purposes. 

A very tense situation existed when, on January 
31, I asked for a special interview with Admiral 
Kolchak, that I might introduce my colleague and 
comrade, Colonel Johnson, and talk over the sit- 

184 



A BOMBSHELL FROM PARIS 

nation. The admiral was out walking by the river, 
quite unattended, but in full view of the guard at 
his residence near the river bank. It was his first 
walk since his illness, and he looked quite recov- 
ered. The talk naturally veered round to the 
Allied declaration in favour of the Bolsheviks, and 
the situation it had created in Omsk. His position 
was quite simple. ^'We can talk and make com- 
pact with every party and Government in the 
different districts of Russia, but to compromise 
with Bolshevism, or shake the hand of, or sit down 
and treat as equals, the men who are outraging 
and murdering the Russian people, never! No 
decent Allied Government acquainted with the 
facts could ever expect it. ' ' 

I asked him to consider the question as in no 
way decided by the Paris message, that I felt sure 
there must be some points connected with the de- 
cision that required further elucidation. ^*Yes," 
said the Admiral, *^ there must be some facts 
which we are not acquainted v/ith, for, while the 
British Government advise an arrangement with 
the Bolsheviks, they continue to furnish me with 
generous supplies for the Russian army.'^ I left 
quite satisfied that he still retained his faith in the 
friendship of England. 

There was one queer point which needs to be 
placed on record. Admiral Kolchak observed that 
the Japanese were still causing him much trouble. 
They had been unable to approach him person- 
ally, but had been getting at his officers, whose 

185 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

business caused them to make frequent visits to 
the Ural front. They made statements to the ef- 
fect that the only State which was in a position 
to help Russia was Japan. The other armies were 
war-weary, and clamouring for demobilisation 
and, therefore, unwilling to fight the Bolsheviks. 
If Admiral Kolchak was compelled to make a 
reasonable arrangement with Japan, their army 
would guarantee to liquidate the Bolshevik .forces 
in two months and establish a monarchy satisfac- 
tory to the Russian officers. This propaganda had 
got to the front, and had been referred to as as- 
suming very serious importance by his front-line 
generals in their despatches. To counteract this 
pernicious influence, he was proposing to visit 
the front himself, to point out the impossibility of 
Japan, as one of the Entente Allies, being able her- 
self to execute such a programme. I asked him 
how this propaganda began, and who engineered 
it. He answered '^General Muto and a staff of 
twenty-six officers and intelligence assistants are 
working hard here in Omsk to orientate Russian 
opinion in their direction." Finally the Supreme 
Governor said, ^*I make no complaint against 
these very excellent Japanese officers; they are 
only carrying out the orders of their political and 
military chiefs, but it makes my work of restor- 
ing order much more difficult." 

There are other little rifts within the lute. The 
Russian officer is a Royalist almost to a man, and 
will remain so, and is most child-like in his adher- 

186 



A BOMBSHELL FROM PARIS 

ence to this principle. Some gossip informs him 
that Prince Kuropatkin is still alive, and had been 
seen on the Russian frontier. ^^Oh,'' he exclaims, 
^^the Admiral •will be handing over his power to 
Kuropatkin directly he hears the Prince is alive !'* 
Nextcday he hears that the Prince is not a soldier, 
and so his enthusiasm oozes out of his finger tips. 
The next day some British supplies arrive, and 
then he is all for reliance upon the Allies. A few 
days later, the Government not having been rec- 
ognised by the Powers according to his wish, he 
curses the Powers and becomes morose. The day 
following he hears in a restaurant that Demittri — 
Pavlovitch is hiding as a peasant in Siberia. He 
is at once in about the same ecstatic condition as 
the shepherds who beheld the Star over Bethle- 
hem. He thinks of every possible thing under the 
sun as a saviour of his country, never how he and 
his comrades themselves might save her. The 
Russian officer is just a great, big, brave, lovable 
baby, and nothing else. *' Gulliver's Travels" 
ought to have an immense circulation should it 
ever be translated into the Russian language. The 
*^ Arabian Nights'' appears as an unimaginative 
narrative of hundrum events compared with the 
actual stories in current circulation in Omsk and 
Siberia generally. 

The two following extracts from my diary 
record incidents which occured at this time: 

February 1, 1919. Last night three Bolshevik 
conspirators entered the officers' quarters of the 

187 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

1st and 2iid Siberian Regiment, disguised as Eus- 
sian soldiers. The first intimation ontside that 
anything was wrong was rapid revolver shots in- 
side. The sentry captured one of the assassins 
as he tried to escape from the building. In less 
than two minutes the conspirators had shot five 
officers, two of whom were mortally wounded. 
One conspirator was shot dead, one was captured, 
one got away. The knout was applied to the pris- 
oner, and at the hundredth stroke he gave the 
whole conspiracy away. Over fifty arrests fol- 
lowed his confession, and all is again quiet in 
Omsk. 

February 3, 1919. Lieut. Munro has arrived at 
Omsk from Vladivostok with comforts from the 
ladies at Shanghai, Hong Kong and Singapore. 
Words fail to describe the feelings of both officers 
and men as they received these tokens of love and 
remembrance from their own countrywomen in 
this cold, inhospitable climate. It is a beautiful 
feeling, and though the actual work performed is 
the effort of a few, the whole sex receives a crude 
sort of deification from these womanly acts. The 
way one of the commonest Tommies looked at a 
small wash flannel, that had evidently been 
hemmed by hands unused to work of any descrip- 
tion, and asked me if I would give the lady his 
thanks, would have gone to the heart of the fair, 
but unknown, worker could she have witnessed it. 

^^I heard news of general insubordination 
among the Canadian troops that had just arrived 

188 



A BOMBSHELL FROM PARIS 

at Vladivostok. If all the information received 
could be relied upon, the sooner they were shipped 
back to Canada the better. There is enough anar- 
chy here now without the British Government 
dumping more upon us. I can see that it is a great 
mistake to mix Canadian and British troops in one 
brigade. Naturally, British soldiers carry out or- 
ders, if other troops do not, hence the British 
troops do all the work. The situation produced is, 
that the highest paid soldier does no work, and 
the lowest paid all the work. It soon percolates 
to the slowest Sussex brain, that discipline does 
not pay. Nothing but the wonderful sense of or- 
der in the make-up of the average Englishman 
has prevented us from becoming an Anglo-Cana- 
dian rabble, dangerous to Bolshevik and Russian 
alike. I am told that Brigadier Pickf ord had done 
his best to maintain order and discipline in his 
ranks. That he had been compelled to make very 
awkward promises to his troops which, having 
been made, had to be kept. Under all the circum- 
stances everybody was agreed that the proper 
thing is to send the Canadians home to their 
farms, and leave the few Britishers who were 
there to carry on. We had established excellent 
relations with the Russians, which it would have 
been a thousand pities to spoil. ' ' 



189 



CHAPTER XV 



MOKE INTRIGUES 



While the loyal officers were being murdered in 
their beds, other things not less important were 
happening. When Admiral Kolchak assumed su- 
preme authority, the Directorate was surrounded 
by a party of royalist officers as turbulent and 
lawless as Trotsky himself. Private code mes- 
sages passed between these officers as freely as if 
they had already the power in their own hands. 
The first intimation that Kolchak had of these 
conspiracies was a code message from General 
Evanoff Eenoff to General Beloff, General Bol- 
deroff^s Chief of Staff, which unfolded many of 
the aspirations of these men, and showed their 
objects to be exclusively personal. I read these 
messages with great interest, as it gave me an 
excellent insight into the character of the ordi- 
nary Russian officer and the mainsprings of the 
revolution. General Antonovsky, of the old Rus- 
sian Military Academy, who also assisted in the 
drafting of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty with the 
Germans, was part of the scheme, and was within 
an ace of becoming the Admiral's Chief of Staff. 
Everything was working splendidly when the ci- 

190 



MORE INTRIGUES 

pher message from Renoff opened the ball. Beloff 
was sent to the East and Antonovsky to the South, 
and the Absolutists were broken up. 

On February 1 my liaison officer informed me 
that as he waited in the corridor of Headquarters 
General Beloff came out of General Lebediff's 
room. A little later General Antonovsky came out 
of another room, and then these two were sud- 
denly joined by a certain Cossack general of a 
very truculent type. I knew that this boded bad- 
ly for order. I warned Kolchak's young aid-de- 
camp. Shortly after it was reported to me that 
an attempt had been made to exchange a sham 
guard for the real one of the Supreme Govern- 
or's residence. I held our direct wire to Col- 
onel Johnson to my car till 12 :30 a.m. that night, 
and found it was tapped by Russian Headquar- 
ters. General Knox had got to know things, and 
took certain action, with the result that I sent 
my officer to Russian Headquarters with instruc- 
tions to inform General Lebediff we were anxious 
for the Supreme Governor's safety, that if any 
harm was contemplated against him we should 
hold him responsible unless he made us acquainted 
with the danger in time to avert it. Further, if 
the Absolutist officers thought they could murder 
Admiral Kolchak and proclaim an absolute mon- 
archy without the sanction of the people of Rus- 
sia they were mistaken, and that whoever, whether 
high or low, attempted to destroy the present 
Government and throw Eussia back into violence 

191 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

and anarchy would be treated as enemies by tbe 
English soldiers. General Lebediff answered that 
he knew of no special danger surrounding Ad- 
miral Kolchak at the moment, but he thanked 
Colonel Ward for his offer to help to protect the 
Government if necessary. The conspirators broke 
up at once, but the cunningest of the lot remained 
to weave again, by social strategy, the continuous 
web of Russian disorder. 

We knew that there were elements at work for 
a counter-revolution, quite uncontrolled by, but 
with the cognisance of, officials of the Kolchak 
Administration. 

In revolutions sudden outbursts on the part of 
even small party may soon jeopardize the whole. 
Colonel Johnson and myself agreed that it was 
necessary to concentrate our forces, and in ap- 
proaching the Russian Authorities on this sub- 
ject, we added further to the demoralisation of 
those who were in the conspiracy. We protested 
that it was our own safety that we had in view, 
but the conspirators did not believe us. I knew 
the Admiral's train had been for some days stand- 
ing ready to take him to the Front. On February 
3rd Omsk was informed that the important Japa- 
nese Mission (previously referred to) had started 
from Irkutsk on the last stage of its journey to 
the Supreme Governor. The Governor's aide de 
camp informed me at the same time that the Ad- 
miral was starting for the front at 5 p.m. on Feb- 
ruary 7th. 

192 



MORE INTRIGUES 

General Knox was anxious that there should 
be no evidence of weakening in our support of 
the Omsk Government, as in case of disorder our 
position was by no means secure. After consulta- 
tion it was decided to offer the admiral a personal 
guard, from the Hampshire Regiment, of fifty 
men and one officer. This was accepted and re- 
ferred to the Chief of Staff. It was then reported 
to General Ganin and the French Staff. They 
at once protested that to have a purely English 
guard would lower French prestige in the eyes 
of the Russians. They quite agreed there ought 
to be a guard, but it must be half -English, and 
half -French ; to this we at once agreed. We there- 
fore reduced our number to twenty-five ; then the 
French Staff pointed out that they had no troops 
in Omsk. The greatest number of orderlies they 
could spare was nine, so it was suggested that the 
guard should be forty-one English and nine 
French. This took the negotiators ' breath away ; 
the first proposal destroyed French prestige, the 
second was enough to destroy France altogether. 
Really, France is a much too beautiful and gal- 
lant country to have this sort of stuff put forward 
on her behalf, but it was, and so the admiral's 
guard consisted of nine soldiers with one officer 
from each, twenty all told. 

One one point we did get home. At the time 
appointed for the Admiral's departure an English 
guard of honour miraculously appeared on the 
scene, together with Russian and Czech Guards. 

193 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

There could be no French, yet French prestige 
continued to stand just as high. I write these 
facts in the most friendly spirit, but with a hope 
that English officers will always understand that, 
however much we smile at the peculiar gyra- 
tions of the word *^ prestige '^ as understood by 
our Continental neighbours, it is very real to 
them, and you see some strange exhibitions of it 
occasionally. 

The Supreme Governor had arrived and shaken 
hands with the Russian, English, and Czech rep- 
resentatives, including Sir Charles Elliot, the 
British High Commissioner, and General Bowes, 
the Chief of the British Military Mission to the 
Czecho-Slovaks. The French representative was 
late. When the ceremonial was nearly complete 
a French officer (not above the rank of captain) 
^elbowed his way to the front and vigorously 
brushed aside the British High Commissioner and 
General, and stood with his back towards them as 
though they were mere outside spectators who 
had no business there. The same evening the inci- 
dent was being discussed amongst a group of Rus- 
sian and English officers, when a Russian officer 
of the highest position observed, *^You English 
have the queerest notion of national prestige of 
all the countries I have been so far acquainted 
with. Any ordinary Russian, Kirghis, Tartar, 
or Mongolian officer, seeing a French captain 
brush aside the representatives and generals of 
another State, would instantly decide that he only 

194 



MORE INTRIGUES 

did so, not because of want of politeness, which 
one-half the world does not understand, but be- 
cause the nation to which he belongs was so great 
and powerful there was no need to be deferential 
to any of the others, and especially so to the State 
whose representatives, allowed themselves to be 
so easily brushed aside.'' 

We had many conferences upon the condition of 
the Russian workmen, and whether it was pos- 
sible for the Allies to do anything to help them. 
British officers were making desperate efforts 
to organise and equip forces capable of dealing 
a death-blow to the Bolsheviks in the early spring. 
General Knox worked like a Trojan, and gave 
more inspiration to the Russian Government than 
all the other Allies put together. He travelled 
from Vlady to Omsk, from Omsk to Vlady, as 
though 5,000 miles were just a run from London 
to Brighton. His great strength was that he made 
up his mind on a certain course and stuck to it, 
while everyone around him could never decide 
upon anything for long. If you want anything 
done, don't have Allies. Allies are all right when 
a powerful enemy is striking you or them. It 
is quite simple; mere self-preservation is suffi- 
cient to hold you together for common protection. 
Let the danger pass, let the roar of conflict recede 
in the distance, and Allies become impotent for 
any purpose except spying on each other and ob- 
structing the work in hand. There was no evi- 
dence that anyone except the English was doing 

195 



WITH THE *T)IE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

anything to smooth the way for the new Russian 
Government, but by sheer energy General Knox 
had brought together personnel and stores suffi- 
cient to justify belief in the early success of his 
plans. Then there suddenly arose another sinis- 
ter figure, which threatened to upset all our cal- 
culations, namely, a well-timed revolt of the rail- 
way workmen, which would cripple our communi- 
cations and make the movement of troops and 
supplies impossible. 



196 



CHAPTER XVI 



RUSSIAN LABOUR 



General Dutoff had previously informed us that 
Bolshevik agitators had been sent through our 
lines on this treacherous mission. For months 
nothing had been heard of these emissaries, who 
had escaped from the open revolt the suppres- 
sion of which I have already described. Now that 
we were approaching the critical point of the 1919 
operations rumblings of a mischievous character 
were heard in all directions. The necessary mili- 
tary measures had been taken, but in our English 
eyes suppression was not enough. We have learnt 
in our country that the workmen are the back- 
bone of the State, and that when Labour is badly 
paid the heart of the State is diseased. Eussia 
has no ideas about Labour at all. The autocracy 
never gave it a moment's consideration. The last 
Tsar's idea of labour reform was to abolish good 
vodka, and he lost his life. The officer class, that 
forms so large a proportion of Russian life, never 
gave the subject five minutes' consideration. 
There is not one single general labour law upon 
the Statute Book of Russia, and the horror of it 
is that those who have hitherto pretended to lead 

197 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

the Russian workman refuse to demand laws to 
protect their labour. They believe that ^4aw" is 
the last thing that a workman, robbed of the most 
elemental rights, should think about. The only- 
way for a workman to obtain rights is to abolish 
all ^ *law, ' ' and they have done it with a vengeance. 
The professional Russian Labour leader is an 
anarchist, and nothing else, and in Bolshevism he 
has given a glimpse of his policy in practice. 

This, then, was the problem with which we had 
to deal, and with only a few weeks at our disposal. 
To the Russian workman it was a social question ; 
to us it was both social and military. Finally, 
General Knox asked me to undertake a pacific 
propaganda along the railway to see if it were 
possible to persuade the workmen to keep at work 
and give the best service possible to their country 
to secure the restoration of order. I came to the 
conclusion that if anything could be done to give 
a more stable and practical outlook to the Rus- 
sian labour mind it was well worth trying to ac- 
complish it. 

At the outset, I was faced with the difficulty of 
not being in a position to offer anything definite 
to the workmen in return for their willingness to 
assist the combatant branch of the Russian ser- 
vice in its new crusade against anarchy. With 
nothing to offer, it seemed hopeless to ask for so 
much. The only man who could pledge the Gov- 
ernment was the Supreme Governor himself, so 
I wrote to him as follows : 

198 



RUSSIAN LABOUR 

Omsk, Siberia, 
4th February, 1919. 
To His High Excellency, 

Admiral Kolchak, Supreme Governor. 

Sir. — I have been requested by Major General Knox, Chief 
of the British Military Mission, Siberia, to undertake a tour of 
the Railway Works along the Siberian Railway to address the 
workmen, and appeal to them as a British labour represen- 
tative to give their best service to the Russian State during the 
present and coming military operations, and to join no strike 
movement, or do anything to hamper the transport of men 
and supplies until the military operations against the enemy 
are completed. 

I have pointed out to General Knox that, while I am quite 
mlling to undertake this mission to the railway workmen, I 
fear it will be quite useless unless I can promise, on behalf 
of the Russian Government, some improvement in their con- 
dition. 

1. For instance I am informed that some of the railway and 
other Government workmen have not received any wages upon 
which to keep themselves and their families, for in some case* 
many weeks, and in other cases, months. If this is true, it 
is impossible to expect workmen to be satisfied, and the wonder 
would be, that they agree to work as well as they do. 

It would be necessary for me to be able to promise that such 
things would be rectified, and wages paid regularly in fu- 
ture. 

2. There are many things absent in Russia which industrial 
communities like England find necessary elements for in- 
dustrial peace. I admit that very little constructional reform 
work can be executed during the present disturbed condi- 
tion of the country, but it would help immensely if I could 
tell the workmen, that I had the authority of the Russian 
Government, that directly order had been restored, laws for 
the protection and help of the Russian workman and his or- 

199 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

ganisations, on the lines of those already working so effectively 
in England, would be adopted by the Russian Government. 

If I would get something definite from your High Excel- 
lency upon these points, I believe it would do much to help 
in the work for the pacification of the labouring classes of 
Russia, and greatly strengthen your Excellency's hold upon the 
hearts of the Russian people. 

(Signed) John Ward, 
Lt.-CoL, M. P., C. M. G. 
Commanding 25th Bn., Middlesex Regiment. 
[Copt.] Omsk, Februaiy 5th, 1919. 

Sir. — In reply to your letter of February 4th, I wish to 
inform you that I have learned with the greatest satisfaction 
that you are willing to undertake the important mission of 
addressing the workmen of our railways and calling them to 
give their best service to the cause of Russia in this crucial 
moment of our national existence. 

The two questions which you have raised in your letter 
should not be left without a prompt answer and I therefore 
would like to bring to your knowledge the following: — 

1. The imperative necessity of orderly and regular pay- 
ments of wages to the workmen has been the object of my 
personal anxiety, and pressing measures in that direction 
have been urged by the Government. The railways being 
considered by us just as important as the army, you will un- 
derstand that everything in its power will be done by our 
Government to help the threatening situation in that re- 
spect. 

2. As to the second question which you have mentioned in 
your letter, I venture to assure you that the Government has 
already stated in its official programme that the workmen 
will find protection and help in the laws which shall be 
enforced and have to secure their organisation on lines sim- 
ilar to those of democratic states in Europe. The Government 
has actually a special Department of labour which is prepar- 
ing the future legislation in this question following the gen- 

200 



RUSSIAN LABOUR 

eral cotirse of constructive reform work which I hope to bo 
able to pursue with all the energy and vigour that the mili- 
tary situation will permit. 

I take this opportunity to renew the expression of my pro- 
found appreciation of the interest you take in our situation 
and of the valuable assistance you so generously offer in this 
most important matter of pacification of the labouring classee 
in Russia, 

Yours sincerely, 

(Signed) A. Kolchak. 
Lt.-Col. John Ward, M. P., C. M. G., 

Commanding 25th Bn., Middlesex Regiment. 

This is believed to be tbe first correspondence 
ever conducted by the head of any Russian Gov- 
ernment upon a purely labour subject. It shows 
that in supporting Admiral Kolchak, we had at 
least this to recommend our policy, namely that 
he was a democrat, and anxious that his country 
should be (in labour matters) amongst the first 
flight of nations. 

The question now to be solved was, what atti- 
tude would the Anarchist adopt to this new evan- 
gelism? 

When I was ready to start a blizzard broke over 
us, such as is occasionaly described in the literal 
ture of Polar exploration. For forty-eight hours 
from the south came a furious gale. It was not 
too cold — about 20 degrees of actual frost. But 
with the wind came blinding snow, not snow such 
as we see in England but fine snow, like white 
dust. It beat on the face, found its way between 
the flaps of head-covers, where it thawed and ran 

201 



\ 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

down the neck and chest and drenched one. It 
smashed straight on the eyeballs, and froze in 
cakes to eyelashes and cheeks, so that in five or 
ten minutes one was blind and unable to find the 
way or move in any direction. All sentries had 
to be withdrawn and seek the nearest shelter, for 
it was impossible to locate oneself or see a build- 
ing till one blundered up against it. A guard of 
eighteen Russians and one officer walked away 
from their post and have not been seen since. 
Roofs were torn off the houses, and the strongest 
buildings rocked in a most alarming manner. The 
snow piled itself up against the houses till it 
covered the windows on the ground-floor, and half- 
way up the second. A four days' calm followed, 
during which the snow was cleared from the rail- 
way and traffic resumed. The next startler was a 
message from Irkutsk that a terrific gale was 
breaking down from the North, a recoil from that 
just described, accompanied with 60 degrees of 
actual frost, making it impossible to live out of 
doors. This storm struck Omsk on February 20, 
and no words can describe the complete oblitera- 
tion of man and all his works such a gale in- 
volves. Nothing can live in the intense cold such 
a wind creates. Hence, movement and life cease, 
and King Frost has the whole field to himself. In 
a few hours the earth is levelled; all that is left 
of the ordinary log dwellings are a few snow banks 
with a row of dark posts from which the smoke is 
emitted, showing that there are human habita- 

202 



RUSSIAN LABOUR 

tions underneath. On February 22 it had worked 
itself out, and we were able to proceed. 

The influence of the Kolchak Government could 
be seen in the orderly management of affairs con- 
nected with the railway and supplies generally. 
Not till we reached Kamergah could we observe 
any sign that there still remained unextinguished 
embers of the social inferno through which the 
country had passed. At this point the line was 
guarded by a strong detachment of troops, quar- 
tered in trucks on the siding. The officer in com- 
mand informed us that an attack by revolters had 
been made on the line at this point. They had held 
up the traffic for some hours, but had been driven 
off before any permanent injury was accom- 
plished. The revolters did not wait after the at- 
tack, but set fire to the station and departed. He 
suggested that it might be as well to be ready for 
sniping, and for worse things, should accident 
force the train to come to a standstill between here 
and Krasnoyarsk. We, however, arrived at the 
latter place without incident on February 25. 

Krasnoyarsk is a fairly large town on the 
River Yenesei. The fine bridge over the river is 
the point to which the eyes of the revolters are 
constantly directed. The garrison is composed 
of one company of the 25th Middlesex Regiment, 
an Italian battalion recently formed from amongst 
the Italian prisoners of war and armed by the 
British, about 400 Cossacks, and a company of 
Czechs belonging to the 10th Regiment, who ar- 

203 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

rived that morning. There are numbers of Bol- 
sheviks, who inhabit an elevated part of the town. 
These met on the old Russian New Yearns Day, 
and passed a resolution that it was necessary to 
execute all army officers wherever they might be 
found isolated from their comrades. The army 
chiefs replied by ordering all guns to be trained 
on the Bolshevik part of the town, and one round 
of shell from each of the eight guns to be planted 
in the Bolshevik quarters for every officer mur- 
dered. No officers had been murdered so far. A 
party of Serbians who had been armed to assist 
in protecting the inhabitants had been caught sell- 
ing arms and ammunition to the Bolsheviks, and 
the 25th ^'standing to'' during the process were 
surrounded in the middle of the night and dis- 
armed, one Cossack being killed. 

On February 25th, we started for Irkutsk, hav- 
ing been warned that the road to Kansk was prac- 
tically dominated by the Revolters. About 8 p.m. 
arrived at Headquarters of General Affinasiaff, 
who came into my car and gave a minute de- 
scription of the situation. Enemy forces num- 
bered about 8,000, Russian Government Forces 
about 3,000. For about 100 versts the Russian 
Forces in small detachments were allowing them- 
selves to be pinned to the railway. 

It was very interesting to hear a statement as 
to the cause of the Revolt, and find the chief 
point of their grievances stated in their own proc- 
lamations. The Revolters are made up in parts 

204 



RUSSIAN LABOUR 

of rich peasants, who already possessing land in 
many cases, the size of the County of Rutland, 
had (in 1917 under the order of Lenin and 
Trotsky) taken forcible possession of the furni- 
ture, horses, farm houses, carts, carriages, land, 
etc., of the big landholders, who with their fami- 
lies had been massacred by these same rich peas- 
ants. 

The next important element is the escaped pris- 
oners of the old regime who, being released by 
the Bolsheviks, had taken to the forest to avoid 
recapture, and are probably the wildest and most 
savage set of men in the world who the wealthy 
peasantry illicitly feed and protect, first to buy 
off their hostility to themselves, and secondly for 
their help to resist the civil officers of the new 
government who were appointed to enquire into 
the methods by which these wealthy peasants be- 
came possessed of their dead neighbours' lands 
savage set of men in the world, who the wealthy 
peasants to resist the payment of taxes, both the 
taxes that are in arrears or that may become due 
in the future, for the reason stated in their Proc- 
lamation, that the people who live in the towns 
made the Revolution, and therefore it is unjust 
to ask the peasants. to pay for the damage done 
by the towns. Further that it is the people in 
the towns who keep on fighting one another, and 
until the towns have finished their quarrelling 
they (the peasants) will do nothing nor pay any 
taxes to help the Government. Fourthly to en- 

205 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

able the wealthy peasants to resist the mobilisa- 
tion ordered by the Kolchak Government for the 
same reasons. 

On the assumption of supreme authority by the 
Admiral every minor government and general, 
including General Denikin, made haste to show 
their submission to Omsk. Only one man of any 
importance refrained from so doing. It was well 
known that Colonel Semianoff was accepting a 
regular subsidy from the Japanese to enable them 
to resist the extension of the Admiral's power 
towards Vladivostok. That under their instruc- 
tions and protection Semianoif refused to recog- 
nise the authority of the Omsk Government, and 
issued insolent manifestoes against the Supreme 
Governor. Those peasants inhabiting the western 
side of the Baikal said in their proclamations that 
as Colonel Semianoff had refused to allow Kol- 
chak 's orders to operate on the East side in which 
acts he was supported by one of the Allies, there 
was every reason why they should do the same 
on the West side of the Lake. It shows what a 
tremendous power Japan had to either create 
order or to make order impossible. She and Sem- 
ianoff between them gave these Revolters just 
the argument they wanted. By acting so Japan 
created and extended the area of anarchy, and 
made the task of her Allies and Kolchak more 
difficult than it might otherwise have been. 

This may not be a very logical position for the 
peasants to take up, but anyone who knows any- 

206 



RUSSIAN LABOUR 

thing about Russia will see that it fits their psy- 
chology to a fraction. These people are more ig- 
norant than our worst educated agricultural la- 
bourer. They own and live on huge tracts of 
land, and in most cases as large as a great English 
estate. Their method of living is many stages 
below that of our landless farm labourer. Their 
ignorance is colossal, their cupidity and cunning 
the envy of the Armenian, who openly confesses 
the Russian peasant in a bargain beats the Jew 
to a frazzle. The Order of the Soviet Govern- 
ment to take possession of the Landowners' es- 
tates and property, was the trump card which 
Lenin and Trotsky played to secure immunity in 
the Provinces, while they massacred and robbed 
the property owners in the towns. These men, 
who are the natural enemies of all political prog- 
ress, and social reform, and who should have exer- 
cised a steadying effect upon the empty idealism 
of the professional classes, were too busy rob- 
bing their neighbours to be able to exert any in- 
fluence upon the major events of the revolution, 
while perfectly willing to use the revolution whose 
principles they abhorred for their own personal 
aggrandisement, this wealthy peasantry are now 
equally unwilling to render the slightest help in 
the restoration of order. 

It was with profound interest that I read these 
documents, which entirely exploded the English 
legend of the landless Russian peasant pining for 
a few acres of land. 

207 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

We arrived at Irkutsk and proceeded to investi- 
gate the situation. When we passed here four 
months since, it was the centre of Siberian life. 
Official indolence has again reduced its status to 
a third or fourth-rate town. I was anxious to 
know how the new Rumanian Division under 
French auspices was progressing. Four thou- 
sand rifles that could be ill afforded from the front 
had been left here some six weeks previous by 
one of our British supply trains. I found the local 
Russian Military Authorities knew nothing nor 
had they ever been consulted about it. They 
knew that not more than three thousand Ruman- 
ians lived in the district, and these had mostly 
embraced the opinions of the Bolsheviks. I made 
enquiries through the usual English channels but 
they were equally uninformed. A visit to the Eus- 
sian Railway Department elicited the fact that a 
French officer had signed the necessary docu- 
ments for the trucks containing the rifles, to re- 
main at Irkutsk. That three thousand rifles had 
been so far unloaded, and that there was a French 
proposal to send the remainder to Tomsk, where 
it was hoped they might be got rid of amongst 
some Serbian bands with Bolshevik tendencies. 
This may or may not represent all the facts but 
it indicates the unmistakable necessity that Eng- 
lish help shall be given only by English hands. 
Eussian ofiicers are beginning to recover their 
old characteristics, and nightly fill the entertain- 
ments and restaurants, and lead the gaieties of 

208 



RUSSIAN LABOUR 

the town. Very little thought is given to the grim 
struggle their half-clad officer and soldier com- 
rades are waging with the forces of anarchy along 
the Ural Mountains. British Consul Nash kindly 
entertained Colonel and Madame Frank and my- 
self, and generally helped me in the organisation 
of this end of my campaign. He did not think 
much of my objective, but he helped all the same. 



eo^ 



CHAPTER XVII 



MY CAMPAIGN 



I HELD my meeting at Irkutsk in the repair shop, 
March 4. There was a big crowd of working 
men and women. Russian women work on the 
railways in such employments as carriage and 
wagon cleaners, snow and ice shovellers, and even 
repairing gangs on different sections of the line 
have a sprinkling of women. 

The audience listened to an explanation of the 
rise of the trade union movement in England with 
the greatest attention. The great majority ac- 
cepted the proposition I tried to expound, that you 
can settle nothing by the disputants' killing each 
other. But there were about half-a-dozen I.W. 
W.'s slouch-hatted and unshaven, exactly true to 
the type you see at meetings in East London, 
Liverpool, or Glasgow. These were not workmen 
employed on the railway. One kept a barber's 
shop, one was a teacher, one a Russian doctor, and 
one a Russian solicitor, but they were the officials 
of the only form of union that exists in Russian Si- 
beria, namely, a revolutionary circle composed of 
the very worst elements in the towns. Bound to- 
gether by one common purpose, the spoliation and 

210 



MY CAMPAIGN 

assassination of every decent man, whether bour- 
geois or workman, who refuses to support a pol- 
icy of anarchy. These five or six determined ruf- 
fians form a kind of blood brotherhood. It is a 
quite usual thing to find each morning dead men 
of all classes in the streets, who have been mur- 
dered during the night by these circles. There 
is no system of law or police, every vestige of jus- 
tice is uprooted, and the crimes go unpunished. 
The irony of it was that these acts were avowedly 
done in the interest of progress and reform, and 
in the sacred name of Labour. 

The Irkutsk circle put questions, not to elicit 
a single fact connected with labour, either in Rus- 
sia or England, but just the usual monkey busi- 
ness : Why should we be satisfied with half, when 
we have the bourgeoisie down and can take all? 
Why should we allow law to be re-established, 
which was always used by the few to rob the 
many? Surely it is less unjust to allow the many 
to continue to rob' the few? In destroying the 
landlord and capitalist, are not the Russian pro- 
letariats merely taking back their own property? 
Is it not a fact that the more systematically and 
effectively we annihilate the bourgeois and land- 
lord class, and all the institutions belonging to 
them, the easier it will be to erect the new order? 

This is all very subtle and difficult to answer 
briefly at a meeting of Russian workmen, not one 
of whom can read or write. It was wonderful 
foresight which placed Madame Frank, the edi- 

211 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

tor of the *' Russian Army," as correspondent for 
this Labour mission. She fastened on to each 
question in turn, and gave instance after instance 
of how these suggestions had worked out in prac- 
tice, to the total destruction of all that was good 
and honourable in Russia. Then, with magnifi- 
cent play on the words, **the new order," in the 
last question, she drew a picture of this new or- 
der as exhibited in practice in that part of Rus- 
sia under Bolshevik control. Really, the influence 
of this little lady upon these simple Russian work- 
men was remarkable. It was quite evident that 
the workmen would prefer the old regime to the 
new if Bolshevik tyranny is the only possible sam- 
ple of the new order. This meeting has done 
good ; if the others have a similar impression, the 
tour will have been a great success. 

Our next stop was Imokentievskaya, where the 
head of the works looked as though he would have 
preferred execution rather than take part in a 
workmen's meeting. The professionals had been 
left behind, the audience was composed entirely 
of the railway workers. They presented many 
characteristics of the average English workmen's 
meetings, and hungrily received information re- 
lating to the methods of the best-organised Eng- 
lish trade unions. They had no idea of the things 
we had done and the progress we had made in 
bettering the working conditions of labour gener- 
ally. Their professional leaders had disposed of 
the British movement by describing our organ- 

212 



MY CAMPAIGN 

isation as ** bourgeois trade unions/' and always 
referred to our trade union activities as though we 
were organised and internally managed by the cap- 
italist. They were surprised to learn that we were 
the only exclusively working-class organisation 
in the world; that the officials must have worked 
at the trade whose society they managed ; that we 
did not, like themselves, allow doctors, lawyers, 
and mere politicians to manage our affairs, but in- 
sisted upon having our trade unions in our own 
hands. One real old Eusky engine-driver asked, 
**If the English workmen found it so advantage- 
ous to keep their organisations exclusively work- 
ing-class, why did not the Germans do the sameT' 
I answered, ^^When a movement starts wrong it 
is very difficult to put it right; that outsiders all 
over the world struggle for a place in the trade 
unions ; and if once they get in they either break 
themselves, or the union, rather than get out ; and 
those who can 't get in hang on outside like limpets, 
and refuse to be kicked off ; that the Kussian work- 
men, in organising their trade unions, must start 
right, and keep them free of every influence ex- 
cept the working class.'* 

We stopped at Zema, the scene of a sharp en- 
counter with armed strikers a few months pre- 
vious. The meeting in the works was a great 
success. It was remarkable to find that, though 
in my previous meeting with these workmen I 
took the form of a military dictator, they showed 
no resentment, and had rigidly observed the agree- 

213 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

ment which had been entered into at the point 
of the bayonet. They were delighted to find that 
I, too, had performed my part of the contract in 
not forgetting their interest when opportunity 
presented itself. 

Nesniodinsk was not on my list, but a special 
request having been presented for me to address 
the workmen, we made the necessary arrange- 
ments, and visited this place on Sunday, 
March 8. It was perhaps the largest meeting 
held so far. The official heads had caused a spe- 
cial platform to be erected in a huge engine-re- 
pairing shop, and themselves took the greatest in- 
terest in the whole proceeding. It is a very har- 
assing business, but if it will only sow the seed of 
orderly progress instead of the horrid anarchy 
that at present prevails it is well worth the ef- 
fort that we are making. Our car was fastened to 
the rear of a slow-moving train going west, and 
did not arrive at Kansk till the evening of the 
10th. 

Kansk is the most easterly point of the area 
of revolt, and a fairly large depot for the railway. 
Some interesting facts about the revolt were 
picked up from the railway officials. The revolt 
began suddenly on December 26, at the same time 
that it broke out in Omsk and Kolumsino, and at 
first was aimed at the possession of the railway. 
The military guard at Kansk was one officer and 
fifty men. The officer posted his sentries at dif- 
ferent points some distance away; the soldiers 

214 



MY CAMPAIGN 

who acted as his personal guard awoke to find 
their sleeping-place and arms in the possession 
of half-a-dozen armed men. The marauders 
shouted, ^*Your officer is dead," and ordered the 
men to lie still while they removed the rifles. This 
done, they proceeded to the quarters of the officer, 
who, finding his men already disarmed, bolted 
without firing a shot. The total strength of the 
Bolsheviks was fifteen men, and these fifteen men 
held the station and a town of over 5,000 inhabi- 
tants up to ransom for twenty-six hours, at the 
end of which time a squadron of Cossacks ap- 
proached, and the Bolsheviks left, taking with 
them about 80,000 roubles belonging to the rail- 
way and Post Office. During their short stay 
they committed all sorts of barbarities. They 
murdered the railway schoolmistress, and tortured 
her husband by stripping him and pouring cold 
water over his naked body, and driving him out 
into the snow, where he quickly froze to death, 
the charge against these two victims being that 
they, by their calling, were teaching the youth 
of Russia to become young bourgeois, instead of 
leaving all men and women equal, as nature in- 
tended. 

This garden of autocracy grows some strange 
plants. These banditti, known in England as Bol- 
sheviks, are entrenched not more than 60 versts 
distant, protected from Kolehak's vengeance by 
deep snows, and the Siberian winter, which makes 

215 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

it impossible to operate away from the railway. 

We held a splendid meeting of the workmen in 
the huge workshop, which was remarkable for 
quiet enthusiasm and hope of better times. It is 
quite clear to me that the Russian workmen are 
tired of the revolution. They were promised an 
Eldorado, and have raised Hell instead, and they 
merely want to be shown a way out of this social 
nightmare. They passed a vote of thanks to me 
and the English workmen for whom I spoke. 

We started for Krasnoyarsk on the 12th, and 
before long found it necessary to get the machine- 
guns and hospital equipment ready for instant 
use. After standing to arms all night, we ar- 
rived at Klukvinah, the Russian headquarters, 
about midday on the 13th, and discovered that 
the Government forces had driven the enemy 
back from the railway, and that the remainder of 
our journey to Krasnoyarsk would be practically 
safe. We arrived about 9 :15 p.m. on Wednesday, 
the 13th. 

Colonel Frank, my liaison officer, Madame 
Frank, myself and Czech interpreter Vladimir, 
were passing through the station on our return 
from the town, about 12:30 midnight, when a 
rather exciting incident occurred. The station 
commandant approached Colonel Frank and ap- 
pealed to him for help to send home a party of 
Serbian soldiers who had procured drink at the 
point of their swords and revolvers without pay- 

216 



MY CAMPAIGN 

ment, and had stripped a young woman passen- 
ger and exposed her for their orgies. Other 
things were alleged against them, but no one had 
so far dared to interfere to restore order. After 
a moment's consideration Colonel Frank decided 
to go into the buffet and ask them to go quietly- 
home, and if they refused to secure force to ar- 
rest and remove them. I naturally followed. It 
was a big stone-floored room, with the door at 
one end and a long bar at the other. The alleged 
Serbian soldiers were seated in a cluster on the 
right, in front of the bar at the far end of the 
room. Colonel Frank advanced near. Facing 
them, he said, *^ Brothers, you have had enough to 
drink; you are keeping all the attendants from 
their proper rest; it is time for you to go home." 
It was like an electric shock. About a dozen of 
these ruffians sprang to their feet, hurling every 
possible Slavonic epithet at this brave Eussian 
officer, who was merely performing a public duty. 
One dark-visaged Serb cavalryman drew his 
sword and tried a lunge at the colonel across 
the table, and while the colonel watched this 
armed aborigine a Serbian officer behind Frank 
tore his epaulette from the colonePs uniform 
and trampled it underfoot, shouting, ** Death 
to this officer of the old regime!" I picked 
up the epaulette just as the other Serb, sword 
in one hand, revolver in the other, edged round 
the tables to the centre of the room for his attack 
upon my liaison officer. I did not think of draw- 

217 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

ing my own weapon; so far it was man to man. 
Colonel Frank kept his eye fixed upon his antag- 
onist, and now advanced towards him, ordering 
him to put down his arms and leave the room. But 
the Serb was out for blood, and made a slash at 
the Polkovnika's head, the full force of which he 
evaded by ducking, though the sword severed the 
chinstrap and button and carved its way through 
the thick band before it glanced up off the skull, 
helped by his right hand, which had been raised 
to ward off the blow. At the same instant Col- 
onel Frank fired point-blank at the man^s face. 
The bullet entered the open mouth and passed 
out through the cheek. This merely infuriated 
him the more. Up till now the man had used 
his sword. Now he began to raise his revolver; 
but before he could raise it hip high the colonel 
shot him through the heart. Though the revolver 
dropped from his helpless hand, he crouched for 
one instant and sprang, clutching at the colonel's 
face, while four or five of his fellow Serbs attacked 
the colonel from behind. The foremost of these 
ruffians, a Serbian officer, fired at the back of the 
colonePs head and missed, but his second shot 
struck Colonel Frank on the left temple at the mo- 
ment his real assailant had made his death spring, 
and down they both went, apparently dead, the 
Serbian on top. The other Serbs sprang for- 
ward, with the usual ugly dagger, which Serbian 
robbers always carry, to finish the Russian offi- 
cer. 

218 



MY CAMPAIGN 

The body of the dead Serb formed a complete 
ebield; this, coupled with the fact that we all 
thought the colonel dead, saved him from muti- 
lation. I was not quite an idle spectator, but 
at the critical moment I discovered I had no weap- 
on except my cane. 

Directly the fight began every Eussian man, 
including the armed militiaman who was supposed 
to keep order at the station, bolted from the room, 
leaving the women and children to look after them- 
selves. Madame Frank went to the assistance of 
her husband and protected him as only a woman 
can, and as she grasped her husband's revolver 
the Serbs slunk back a pace, while we lifted his 
head and signed the Serb officer, who had fired 
at the colonel from behind, to lift the dead Serb 
off the colonePs body. This he did, and then pro- 
posed to the band surrounding us that they kill 
us aU three. Their knives glistened, and a small 
automatic revolver was making a bee-line for me 
when a voice like the growl of a bear came from 
the direction of the door. The whole band put 
up their weapons instantly. I had stood up to 
receive my fate, and over the heads of our would- 
be murderers I saw a tall, dark-bearded stage vil- 
lain, in a long, black overcoat which reached to 
the floor, stalk across to the group. He looked at 
the body of the dead Serb, and then at the pros- 
trate Eussian officer, who at that instant began 
H to show signs of returning consciousness. ^^Ah! 
Oh! Eusky Polkovnik," he roared, drawing his 

219 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

revolver. **Our dead brother demands blood." I 
could not stand and see a wounded friend mur- 
dered before my eyes, not even in this land of 
blood. I stepped over both bodies, and placed my- 
self between this monster and his victim. I raised 
both hands, and pushed him back, saying, *^I am 
Anglisky Polkovnik, and will not allow you to 
murder the wounded Russian officer. '^ He an- 
swered that he was Serbian Polkovnik, and I said, 
'^Come into the other room," and by strategy got 
him away, but his friends told him something, 
which sent him back quickly to finish his job, but 
as he reentered the buffet he encountered about a 
dozen British and Czech soldiers, with fixed bayo- 
nets, and it was not so difficult now to convince him 
that it was not quite good form to murder a 
wounded man. We carried the Russian colonel 
to the British hospital, and as the leader of the 
Serbs had declared a blood feud, extra guards 
were placed on my wagon and the hospital. These 
ruffians were armed from our supplies under the 
direction of French officers. Directly the Russian 
Military Authorities began their investigations 
to bring this band to justice, they, through the 
Czech Commander, received orders from General 
Janni, the French Allied Commander, to move to 
Novo Nikoliosk out of Russian jurisdiction. 

It is not very clear at present why the French 
gave their protection to these and similar dis- 
turbing elements in Siberia. Perhaps the reason 
will show itself later. 

220 



MY CAMPAIGN 

Krasnoyarsk is a huge railway depot, with both 
building and repairing shops, employing about 
3,000 workmen. To get at both shifts it was nec- 
essary to hold two meetings, one for the inside, 
the other for the outside, staff. The first was a 
very silent interested crowd, who listened to my 
address as though they understood its meaning 
and purport. The gallant Rusky Polkovnika, with 
bandaged head and hand, translated the first part, 
Madame Frank the second. The impression cre- 
ated by this brave woman, who had herself com- 
manded a company in the trenches before Keren- 
sky destroyed the army, was very great. There 
was no mistaking the effect of her words as these 
toil-stained workmen raised their papahas to the 
message from the English trade unionists which 
she delivered. This town is the centre of inter- 
national intrigue. There is an Italian battalion 
about 1,500 strong, Czechs 12th Regiment about 
200, British Middlesex Regiment, 220. 

To maintain their prestige the French are arm- 
ing the Lett Revolters, as fast as the Russian 
General Aflmasiaff can defeat and disarm them. 
The Italian soldiers are in very bad favour with 
the inhabitants and the local Russian civil and 
military authorities. Robberies and assaults are 
of almost daily occurrence, and at last the Au- 
thorities have made definite official complaints 
to the Allied Headquarters to either keep the Ital- 
ian soldiers under proper discipline or remove 
them from the country, but the main complaint 

221 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

of the Russian officials is the open hostility of 
the Allied officers, led by the senior, to every 
thing Russian. It is so easy to make friends 
with the Russian people, that this attitude of her 
alleged helpers is very sad. When I landed at 
Vlady my orders were to remember that we Eng- 
lish had come as friends, to help Russia on to her 
feet, and this I have always tried to keep in mind. 
I wonder what instructions could have been given 
to my Allied colleagues. 

The next call was at Bogotol, where, under in- 
structions from Consul Peacock, I inquired into 
the imprisonment of an Australian subject named 
Savinoff. The authorities produced the dossier 
of his case, which when translated proved him 
to be a Bolshevik leader, and second in command 
to an armed band that had attempted to murder 
the local authorities. His trial will take place 
shortly, with that of Titoff his chief, who was one 
of the Central Committee of the Baltic fleet which 
ordered the murder of hundreds of the naval offi- 
cers of the old regime. Unless justice is paralysed 
as well as blind, there can only be one end. 

The meeting maintained the usual standard of 
interest. The chief, whose face bore traces of 
the tortures inflicted upon him under Bolshevik 
rule, was delighted with the new hope we had 
brought to himself and his workmen. 

Taiga was the scene of our next meeting, and it 
was quite a great event. A special platform had 
been erected in the huge workshop, around which 

222 



MY CAMPAIGN 

swarmed nearly 2,000 workmen. The people 
looked upon the meeting as the new birth of Rus- 
sian hfe. No meeting had been held for two years, 
except the underground meetings of conspirators. 
I appealed to them to discard disorder and take 
a hand in the orderly reconstruction of the new 
Russian State, in which they were now guaran- 
teed a place. Madame Frank's translation made 
a profound impression upon these toil-worn men 
and women. Clearly the people are tired of the 
horrors of revolution, and yearn for peace and 
quiet. I here interviewed General Knox, who was 
on his way to Omsk, on important matters which 
had been brought to my notice. 

We arrived at Novo Nikoliosk on the morning 
of the 23rd, and proceeded to make arrangements 
for the meeting to be held on the same day. I 
visited the various commands as usual, and held 
long consultations with General Zochinko, from 
whom I gathered much information as to the sit- 
uation in this important district. It was interest- 
ing to hear some news of our old friend the Voida- 
voda of the Serbian band. He and his gang had 
arrived from his excursion to Krasnoyarsk on the 
day that a banquet was given by the newly-formed 
Polish regiment. As chief of his band he was in- 
vited, and delivered an oration of a particularly 
patriotic character, which had won all Polish 
hearts. He was in a great hurry to get away next 
morning, fearing that we were following behind. 
He said nothing about our encounter, and the 

223 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

Russian officials became suspicious of his anxiety 
to get away. They brought a squad of soldiers 
to examine his trucks, and found an enormous 
amount of loot from Krasnoyarsk and contraband 
goods upon which he had to pay 130,000 roubles 
duty. Having squeezed this toll out of the bound- 
er, they gave him a freeway to Ekaterinburg, 
where things are very scarce, and where he will 
be able to sell out at a good figure. 

General Zochinko told us some funny stories 
about the French Staff's attempt to form a power- 
ful counter-force from the German and Austrian 
war prisoners. In Novo Nikoliosk the Allied com- 
mander, General Ganin, had released some hun- 
dreds of Austrian and German Poles from the 
prison camps, and formed them into regiments. 
In their haste to get these units complete they 
forgot to inquire into the antecedents of officers 
chosen to command. So careless had they been, 
in fact, that the Russian authorities awoke one 
morning to find one of their most dangerous pris- 
oners, a well-known German officer spy. Von Bud- 
burg, in full command of this alleged Allied force. 
Von Budburg had like a true patriot taken care 
to choose his subordinates from amongst the same 
type as himself. The French Staff later became 
aware of the nature of their handiwork, and sought 
help and advice from the Russian military au- 
thorities about disarming their new German le- 
gion. A sudden descent on their quarters by an- 
other Polish unit, wdth some new Russian units 

224 



MY CAMPAIGN 

standing by to render help if necessary, ended in 
these French proteges being disarmed, and got 
back safely to the prisoners' camp. Allied help 
to Eussia is like a jig-saw puzzle, a mystery even 
to the man who made it. A straight-forward rec- 
ognition of the Omsk Government would have been 
an honest hand for honest work, but where would 
Allied diplomacy have come in! Diplomacy is 
only necessary when there are ulterior objects 
than mere plain, unamlbiguous assistance to a 
helpless friend. What are these hidden objects? 
The Allies had better be cautious how they pro- 
ceed in the diagnosis and dismemberment of this 
great people, or they may find themselves on the 
operation table, this giant holding the knife. In 
spite of the Biblical legend I prefer England to be 
a pal with Goliath. 

We arrived at Barabinsk on the morning of 
March 26, and after arrangements for the meet- 
ing were completed, took a walk round the mar- 
ket. A Russian market is a thing of joy and 
colour. There are no buildings — just a huge 
space in the centre of the town, where thousands 
of shaggy, ice-covered horses stand, each with an 
ice-covered sledge. The peasants, men and wom- 
en, in huge fur coats which reach to the snow- 
covered ground, harmonise perfectly with the cat- 
tle they control. Their fur coats are a study of 
colour. Patch-work coats from calves' skins, 
which combine every shade, from white to rusty 
red; goat skins, long, straight, black to white;* 

225 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

curly bear skins, from black to brown and brown 
to polar white ; wealthy peasant women with beau-, 
tiful red fox furs hiding neck and face, their eyes 
glistening through the apertures left vacant by the 
first and original tenant. The sledges contain 
everything — wheat, oats, potatoes, onions, rough 
leaf tobacco, jars of cream, frozen blocks of milk, 
scores of different types of frozen freshwater 
fish, from sturgeon to bream, frozen meats of 
every conceivable description, furs — in fact, the 
finest collection of human necessities to be found 
in any one place in the world. Prices are very 
high fo^- home produce and simply absurd for 
foreign or distant production. Colonel Frank was 
in need of a small safety pin (six a penny at 
home), price seven roubles (14s Si/od old money 
and 3s 6d at the rate at which the British Army 
are paid), and everything else in proportion. 

A very fine meeting was held in the works, 
and much good done in securing the confidence of 
the workmen in the efforts of the Supreme Gov- 
ernor, Admiral Kolchak, to create order out of 
chaos. 

We arrived at Omsk on the morning of the 
28th, and on the 29th I gave a lengthy report to 
Admiral Kolchak, who expressed his hearty 
thanks, and impressed upon me the necessity 
for continuing my journey to the Urals. He had 
received from the official heads of departments 
reports stating that the effect of my mission had 
been to improve the general attitude of the work- 

226 



MY CAMPAIGN 

men all round, and he was most anxious that this 
effort to enlist the workmen's interest with an 
ordered State should be pushed forward with 
vigour. 

A further discussion upon general affairs, es- 
pecially the policy of the French Command in Si- 
beria, took us through tea. I have absolute con- 
fidence in the character of the admiral, but the 
pigmies by whom he is surrounded are so many 
drags on the wheels of State. There is not one 
that I would trust to manage a whelk stall. They 
have no idea of the duty of a statesman. Little, 
pettifogging, personal equations and jobs occupy 
the whole of their time, except when they are en- 
gaged upon the congenial task of trying to thwart 
the Supreme Governor. The patriotism of the 
front officers and soldiers and the mediaeval chival- 
ry of the Cossack are the only things left upon 
which to build Eussia. This naturally limits the 
architectural features of the new edifice, but the 
pioneer is always limited by the material at hand. 



227 



CHAPTER XVin 

OMSK REVISITED 

It is quite interesting to watch the oscillation 
of the Omsk mind from one orientation to an- 
other. At the time I left for the East the stream 
of favour flowed strongly in the English direc- 
tion. General Knox started on a tour of Siberia 
in connection with the new formation of the Kol- 
chak Army. Sir Charles Elliot goes to Hong 
Kong. General Bowes is left to deputise for Gen- 
eral Knox, and Colonel Robertson for Sir Charles 
Elliot. In three short weeks every sign of Brit- 
ish influence has disappeared. The English are 
nowhere, the favour is shared equally by France 
and Japan. 

The Japanese have either learned how to be- 
have themselves towards the Russians, or they 
have received instructions from home. For the 
first three months their arrogance was simply 
sublime, but since the armistice with Germany, 
upon whose power to defeat the Allies they 
banked their all, they are a changed people so 
far as outward appearance and conduct is con- 
cerned. They are beginning to talk about their 
alliance with England, their friendship with Rus- 

228 



OMSK REVISITED 

sia, their love of France. When the Japanese 
try they can make themselves very agreeable, in 
fact so charming that it is impossible to resist 
their advances. That is their attitude now, to 
all except the Chinese whom they always hold in 
the greatest contempt, and the Americans whom 
they fear. With a clear field their new policy 
has made great headway. 

The French methods are quite different. Theirs 
is a drawing room attack, and at this sort of 
thing the ordinary Britisher cuts but a sorry fig- 
ure. Hence the field is also pretty clear for them, 
and they have made full use of their opportuni- 
ties. With a judicious word over a cup of tea, 
an editor who refuses a bribe, finds his or her 
talents a glut on the market. A joke around a 
samovar reduces the rank of a particularly Eus- 
sophile general. The glorious time they are hav- 
ing reaches its climax, when you hear the polite 
condolences to the victims uttered in exquisite 
French. 

But Colonel Robertson has gone to Vlady and 
his place has been taken by a typical Britisher 
in the person of Consul Hodgson, who took cor- 
rect measures of the situation and in less than 
48 hours herded the whole cabosh back into their 
own compounds. It is surprising that the in- 
fluence of one virile definite personality can be 
so great, and proves how necessary it is that in 
this seemingly endless turmoil, only the best men 
should be burdened with the responsibility of our 

229 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

representation. I am starting on my mission 
to the Urals with absolute confidence that in the 
absence of General Knox our interest will not 
suffer in Omsk so long as it rests in the hands 
of our senior Consul. 

After infinite trouble with Russian officials I 
started my Western journey on April 5. The 
Mission consisted of Colonel Frank (liaison offi- 
cer), Madame Frank (translator), R.S.M. Gordon 
in charge of an escort of twenty-two N.C.O.'s and 
men, with one M.G. We were now entering the 
district behind the Ural front. These towns had 
not long been cleared of the Bolsheviks, so that 
it was interesting to discover how far their ideas 
had gained possession of the minds of the people. 
The new Russian armies were rapidly pushing 
forward. Their progress had been made more 
general and persistent since the end of Novem- 
ber, 1918, the date on which the Czechs finally 
refused to take part in the great Perm offensive. 
To read the English papers of January, 1919, and 
see how the Czech, Italian, French, and Allied 
forces had inflicted defeat upon the Bolsheviks 
at Perm causes a grim smile to pass over the faces 
of the Russian officers who did the job. Not a 
single Czech, Italian, French or Allied soldier 
had fired a shot since Admiral Kolchak assumed 
supreme command. There is one notable ex- 
ception. The armoured trains from H.M.S. 
Suffolk, under the command of Captain Wolfe 
Murray, continued to fight along the Ufa front well 

230 



OMSK REVISITED 

into January, 1919. Only the intense cold and the 
necessity of recoupment and re-equipment caused 
them to retire to Omsk. The British Navy fight- 
ing on the Urals was the only reminder the Rus- 
sian soldier had that the Allies of his country had 
not entirely deserted him. 

We arrived at Tumen on April 7, and held a 
fine meeting of the workmen, who seemed quite 
pleased to hear that the Bolsheviks were not 
likely to return. These workmen look upon Bol- 
shevik rule as on some horrible nightmare. They 
care for little else so long as you can assure them 
on this point. So ghastly is the dream from which 
they have awakened compared with the flowery 
promises held out to them that I readily believe 
*'John the Terrible^* would be received at this 
moment as a saviour. This is a dangerous feel- 
ing, which I tried my best to combat, for the ex- 
cesses of the Bolshevik regime have intentionally 
prepared the way for a return to absolutism. ' 

We arrived at Ekaterinburg at the same time 
as General Knox arrived from Chilliyabinsk. His 
first words were congratulations on my C.B., news 
of which had just arrived. I visited Consul Pres- 
ton, and read the evidence he and his French col- 
league had collected relative to Bolshevik outrages 
on the workmen of the district. It was too sad 
to think about. This was the place where the Tsar 
and his family were imprisoned and murdered. 
Of them it could be fairly alleged that they were 
responsible for the crimes of the old regime ; but 

231 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

what crimes have the poor workmen and peasants 
committed that the most fiendish cruelty should be 
reserved for them? I give it up! Perhaps there 
is some reason or justification; all I can say is I 
have not heard it, neither can I imagine what it 
can be. 

At Ekaterinburg I held a meeting of railway 
workmen and officials, and was surprised at the 
attention and earnestness of the audience. They 
hungrily devoured every scrap of information as 
to our English trade union organisation and work, 
and requested that a further meeting should be 
held next day in the huge carriage works in the 
centre of the town. This was one of the most re- 
markable gatherings I have ever attended. A 
fine platform had been erected at one end of the 
main workshop. A sea of faces under huge multi- 
coloured papahas spread over the floor, while 
every carriage was covered with human ants. 
Even the beams of the building carried their hu- 
man freights. Clearly the resurrection of Rus- 
sia had started; the destruction of Russia began 
from the head, its re-birth is from the ground. 



232 



CHAPTER XIX 

IN EUROPEAN RUSSIA 

Nevanisk is situated just over the European 
boundary of the Urals. Before the Bolshevik 
came it was a great iron centre, one firm employ- 
ing 3,000 workmen. The various works are now 
practically derelict, and its vast collection of ma- 
chinery is idle. The streets are deserted; it is 
estimated that half of its inhabitants have been 
destroyed. It was, and now it is not. The few 
remaining inhabitants are valiantly pulling them- 
selves together, and if order and some sort of 
law can be established they are confident they 
can rebuild their life again. We talked to them, 
and encouraged them to continue their struggle 
against the blight that had defiled their homes 
and their country. Their hopes seemed to revive 
from our assurance of English working-class sym- 
pathy. I am pleased they did not know we had 
some people mad enough to wish to inflict similar 
wounds upon our own country. A pound of sugar 
cost 35 roubles, a pair of 3s lid goloshes 250 rou- 
bles, 1 lb. of bread 7 roubles. These were just the 
things we wished to buy, so we discovered the 
price, and bought bread only as the thing we 

233 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

could not do without. Typhus was raging in al- 
most every house. General Knox was inocu- 
lated, but I decided to run the risk. Doctors had 
largely disappeared, owing to the hatred of eveiy- 
thing with a bourgeois education. I wonder what 
sort of jokes or fun G. B. S. could make out of it. 
There is fun in it somewhere. The contrast be- 
tween the original idea of the revolution and the 
outcome of those ideas is so grotesque in its reali- 
sation that it looks as though some hidden power 
was indulging in a Mephistophelean laugh at the 
expense of mankind. 

We had now arrived at Taighill, where the same 
effects had been produced on a smaller scale. It 
was Palm Sunday, and the huge bell of the cathe- 
dral was booming through the surrounding pine 
forest, calling the faithful to prayer. In the 
square of a near town a statue of Alexander II 
lay in the mud, having been thrown down by the 
revolutionaries. Quite near a white figure of a 
woman, to represent the enthronement of liberty, 
had been hurled from its recently constructed 
base, and formed the roadside seat of five or six 
of the most ragged starvelings to be found in the 
world. Alexander's statue states that it was 
raised to commemorate his emancipation of 
the peasants from serfdom. The Bolsheviks had 
not time to write their inscription ; that needs no 
writing, the empty houses and deserted streets 
are quite enough. By means of much elbow labour 
they had smoothed out the inscription on the 

234 



IN EUROPEAN RUSSIA 

statue of the Tsar Liberator, and for the time 
made all things equal again. 

The Taighill meeting was like the others and we 
passed on to Kushva. This place had been badly 
mauled. The Bolshevik Commissar was evidently 
purely and simply an anarchist. All the hatred 
of class and creed which had generated under 
the Romanoff found expression in this man's 
deeds. The amount of venom which he put into 
his administration and work was worthy of his 
cause. The effect of his policy, however, pro- 
duced results exactly opposite to those he hoped 
for. The first evidence of his zeal lay upon the 
snow in front of the railway office. A huge steel 
safe with door wrenched off and contents missing 
indicated the strength of his principles. The 
official who had lost the key was thrown into 
the well near by to strengthen the memory of 
other safe-owners, but this official was not alone 
in his glory, for several railway workmen who re- 
fused to help rob this identical safe found 
a watery grave with their superior. ^ Altogether 
over seventy people met their death in this well, 
workmen, bourgeoisie, all in one common doom, 
but the majority were of no class. Their only 
offence seemed to be that they called themselves 
Social Revolutionaries. They have been the sub- 
ject of the most bitter hatred by the Bolshevik 
leaders. The Bolshevik contention is that for 
anyone to call himself Socialist and then hesitate 
to take a hand in the complete literal extermina- 

235 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

tion of the bourgeois ruling classes now there is 
a chance of doing so in Russia is to act the part of 
poltroon and traitor to the cause. The treachery 
is all the greater if the objector is a workman or 
a workwoman. The Bolsheviks are quite honest 
about their purpose, the transfer of power and 
property by murder and robbery from the bour- 
geoisie to the proletariat. If a member of the pro- 
letariat is so mad that he refuses or hesitates to 
act his part in this scheme, those who have been 
called by the force of events to assume a dictator- 
ship on his behalf are entitled to destroy him as 
an unconscious enemy to himself and his fellow- 
proletarians. In the same way no mercy can be 
shown to the Social Revolutionaries, who, while 
professing allegiance to definite proletarian dom- 
ination, shrink from definite action now the time 
for action has arrived. The Bolshevik Commissar 
of Kushva, acting on this principle, succeeded in 
a short time in raising a formidable though local 
opposition amongst the workmen in the surround- 
ing districts. When the local schoolmistress, a 
girl of seventeen, found a temporary grave in this 
sort of Hole of Calcutta, the wells of Kushva and 
Taighill became a dreadful portent to the simple 
Russian mujik. 

The opposition began at the big Watkin works, 
where over 6,000 men were employed. Though 
possessing no military organisation, the work- 
men decided to resist by force the entrance of the 
Bolshevik terror into their midst. With the help 

236 



IN EUROPEAN RUSSIA 

of several young engineers, they managed to 
** regiment" themselves into some kind of military 
order. They selected with great skill the strate- 
gic positions for fortifications, and held the whole 
district against the repeated attacks of the ene- 
my. Once the Bolshevik line of the Urals, west of 
Ekaterinburg, struck from north to south from 
Kunghure to the Caspian, as the crow flies, for 
3,000 versts, except for one great loop enclosing 
the Watkin works. In November, 1918, the Bolshe- 
vik line swept forward, submerging these valiant 
workmen warriors. Admiral Kolchak's Chief of 
Staff naturally concluded that the workmen had 
given up the struggle and had made terms with 
their hated enemy. This surge forward of the 
Bolsheviks had been greatly assisted by the un- 
fortunate defection of the Czech forces, who had 
left the front at the suggestion of their local na- 
tional council. General Gaida had thrown up his 
Czech commission, and had been given command 
of the right wing of the new Russian army. The 
admiral proceeded at once to put his new army 
to the test by an attempt to recover the lost 
ground, and if possible save the remnants of the 
Watkin workmen. Everybody now knows how, in 
a temperature of over 60 below, these recently 
mobilised Siberian recruits re-established the 
fighting fame of the Russian soldier by sweeping 
the Terrorist forces from their positions, and en- 
tirely destroying them at Perm. Imagine, when 
the advance began, General Galitzin's surprise to 

237 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

find these Watkin workmen still holding their dis- 
trict, and rendering valuable help to their reliev- 
ing comrades. The Kushva Soviet Commissar 
had builded better than he knew. 

The Kushva district is remarkable for the val- 
uable and extensive deposits of iron and sulphur, 
which seem inexhaustible. One huge hill has a 
store of 800,000,000,000 tons, almost untapped ex- 
cept for uncovering work necessary to estimate 
its capacity. 

The revolution in Russia may alter a few things, 
but it can scarcely effect much change in the char- 
acter of its people. This iron mountain is an 
illustration of the mixture of medisevalism and 
modernism to be found in Russians industrial de- 
velopment. The summit of the mountain is capped 
with an Orthodox Greek church, and desperate ef- 
forts have been made to secure its removal to a 
less valuable site. I was in,formed that the mere 
suggestion proved almost fatal to its origina- 
tors, and by so narrow a margin did they escape 
that the proposal is not likely to be repeated. I 
made the suggestion quite innocently and pro- 
duced such a storm that only my foreign igno- 
rance provided me with a satisfactory excuse. I 
was asked, ^* Would you take God from His place 
over this workT' One other thing I noticed every- 
where. There was not one important workshop 
from Irkutsk to Perm without its altar, candles 
and all complete, and scarcely a business or Gov- 

238 



IN EUROPEAN RUSSIA 

eminent office without its ikon facing yon the mo~ 
ment you entered. 

I attended the Orthodox Easter celebration at 
Perm. The whole edifice was crowded with people 
of every walk in life. I was not merely an inter- 
ested spectator, but one who believes that where 
man worships, he appeals to the same God, no 
matter by what name He is called. 

I watched this crowd — each person holding a 
long lighted taper — stand for hours, making the 
sign of the Cross, while the gorgeously robed 
priest chanted the service, and made sundry waves 
with his hands, and gave certain swings with the 
incense burner. The responses were made by a 
group of men with beautiful, well-trained voices, 
but the people looked spiritually starved. Not 
one took the slightest part in the service beyond 
an occasional whispered murmur, nor are they 
expected to. They stood outside the pale, there 
was no place for them. I must say that I con- 
trasted this isolation of the congregation with the 
joint'act of worship as performed in our Churches, 
both Free and Anglican. I looked at these Chris- 
tian men and women, and thought of the butchery 
of Petrograd and Moscow, the wells of Kushva 
and Taighill, and the ruthless disregard of human 
life by both sides in this brutal internecine strife. 
I wondered whether I had stumbled upon at least 
one of the causes. At any rate, I did not forget 
we also had the heroes of the Watkin Works. 
Nadegenska is the extreme northwest point of 
239 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

the Ural system of railways, and is famous be- 
cause of its great privately owned steel works. 
These works were originated by a poor peasant 
woman, who developed the whole district until 
it has become the most northerly Asiatic indus- 
trial centre in the Russian Empire. The contrast 
in treatment of these privately owned works, com- 
pared with those owned by the Government, is 
significant. The Soviet Commissar knew nothing 
about the business himself, and appointed Works 
Commissars to control the establishment still 
more ignorant of their duties. The result ^^as 
that production fell to such a point that the ex- 
perts refused to work under such incompetents, 
and gradually escaped to other outlandish dis- 
tricts. The manager stuck to his polt and by a 
judicious distribution of the surplus roubles of 
the Tsar (remaining in his possession) among 
the Bolshevik Commissars during the battle of 
Perm, got them out of the Works without damage. 
This was an unheard of situation, for nowhere 
else have the Soviet Commissars left anything 
they could destroy. 

It was interesting to notice that the bulk of 
the machinery in these Works was either German 
or American, the latter always predominating. 
There was some English, and some Belgian, who 
stand about equal. I heard a curious statement 
at Kushva to the effect that the German firms 
were always prepared to build and fit out a big 
works, and run it for one year, without asking for 

240 



IN EUROPEAN RUSSIA 

a penny. Of course they always first carefully 
examined the possibilities of the locality, but the 
managers assured me that it was rare for German 
machinery to be equal either for use or wear and 
tear or as cheap as English, but they could always 
get long credit from German firms, and that was 
most important in developing new enterprises. 

We started for Perm, with a stop on our way 
at the Vackneah Turansky works. These works 
employ from 4,000 to 5,000 men, doing everything 
from smelting to engines, carriages, shells, guns, 
&c., and are the best-equipped workshops I have 
seen in the Urals. The only complaint is want of 
orders. The old regime did everything; nearly 
all this great mineral district has been developed 
under the personal care of the Tsars. The Bol- 
sheviks have destroyed the State control of these 
establishments, and already the bourgeoisie are 
casting hungry eyes upon this great industry, and 
the Omsk Ministers are rubbing hands over the 
loot they hope to collect during this transfer. How 
vain the hopes of those who looked to the Revo- 
lution to develop public control of all natural re- 
sources! Already the State lands are parcelled 
out amongst the wealthy peasants, who, as a re- 
sult of this robbery, will establish a great landed 
aristocracy, and if I do not misread the signs, 
a similar fate is about to overtake the great State 
industries and the creation of an aristocracy of 
wealth. 

At Turansky we picked up Sergeant Coleman 
241 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

of the Durham Light Infantry, the only English- 
man who weathered the jonrney from Archangel 
with a party of Russians who had started from 
the north to try and get into direct touch with 
the Russian Army. They had made a circuitous 
route, and avoided the districts held by the Bol- 
shevik forces, and therefore had nothing to re- 
port of interest to us. The whole party under 
a Russian officer in English uniform were at- 
tached to my train and taken to Perm, where in- 
structions awaited them to proceed at once to 
Omsk. 

While examining the damage done during the 
street fighting at Perm we encountered a mob 
of the Red Guard, who had marched over their 
own lines at Glaushoff and surrendered to Gen- 
eral Gaida. They were drawn up four deep in 
the market-place for a roll-call. I studied their 
faces and general appearance, and came to the 
conclusion that if the progress of the world de- 
pended upon such as these the world was in a 
very bad way. They were Kirghis, Mongols, Tar- 
tars, Chinese, mixed with a fair sprinkling of 
European Russian peasants, workmen, and others, 
mostly of the lowest type, but just enough of the 
^*old soldier'' element to make them formidable. 
A strange idea struck me, namely, that I would 
lik:e to speak to these men. The proposition, made 
almost in jest, was taken up seriously by my 
liaison officer, Colonel Frank, who interviewed the 
oomLmandant of the station, Colonel Nikolioff, 

242 



IN EUROPEAN RUSSIA 

upon the subject. He at first took a hostile atti- 
tude, but when he gathered the substance of my 
proposed address consented, and arranged the 
meeting at the camp for six p.m. the following 
evening, April 22. Of all the meetings it has been 
my privilege to hold, this was the most unique. 
The Bolshevik soldiers stood to attention, and 
listened to me mth great interest. One or two 
were sailors, and some others could understand a 
little English, as could be seen by the way they 
conveyed in whispers the points of the speech to 
their neighbours. Madame Frank translated, and 
in beautiful Russian drove home each point. Hers 
was a magnificent performance. As she repeat- 
ed my word-picture of their untilled fields, de- 
stroyed homes, outraged women, and murdered 
children, not by the ravages of an alien enemy, but 
the work of their own hands, Russian against Rus- 
sian, tears trickled down their war-scarred faces. 
Clearly these men felt they had been deceived, 
and would willingly endeavour to rectify the in- 
juries of the past. Some volunteered their serv- 
ices at once, to help their Mother Country to re- 
cover from the ravages they had made, and ad- 
minister justice upon those who had led them into 
madness ; but Colonel Nikolioff asked them to re- 
member that their crimes had been very great, 
and nothing but time could heal the wounds and 
soften the bitterness their conduct had created. 
Some asked that it should be remembered that 
they were not Bolshevik in principle, but had been 

243 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

forced to become soldiers in the Red Army, and 
could not desert until their villages were captured 
by the Kolchak army, as their whole families (be- 
ing hostages for their conduct) would have been 
massacred. This they asserted had been done in 
numberless cases where the families were in Bol- 
shevik hands. 

The value of the rouble here is about one penny. 
My officers and men are paid at the rate of 40 to 
the £1. The prisoners' camp is about 3% versts 
distance, the drosky hire for the journey 100 rou- 
bles per drosky. Everything is in proportion, 
common cigarettes 1 rouble each. If I smoke 
twenty a day or oifer them to my numerous offi- 
cial visitors half my colonel's pay is gone. There 
must surely be something wrong in fixing the rate 
of exchange at Harbin or Vlady, 5,000 versts 
away, leaving officers at the front in a stage of 
poverty not one whit better than the people whose 
all has been destroyed by the revolution. I have 
no remedy to offer, but it is not very satisfactory 
to receive your rouble at 6d and spend it at Id. 
If I were paid in £1 notes or sovereigns I could 
get something approaching 200 roubles for each 
at the Perm rate to-day. Wages have increased 
under Bolshevik rule, but prices are such that 
one of the petitions we have to forward to the 
Government at Omsk on behalf of the workmen 
is that the wages and prices shall be the same as 
under the old regime. 

The ice on the Khama started to move on April 
244 



IN EUROPEAN RUSSIA 

24, about five a.m. It was a very imposing- sight. 
It moved first as one solid block, carrying boats, 
stacks of timber, sledge roads, everything, with 
it. The point near the bridge held for some time, 
till the weight behind forced some part down and 
crunched its way through in one irresistible push ; 
the other part rose over the resistance and rolled 
like an avalanche over and over, smashing itself 
into huge blocks, which were forced into a ram- 
part fifty feet high, when the enormous weight 
broke the ice platform on which it was piled and 
the whole moved majestically towards the Volga. 
Then one experienced the peculiar illusion of glid- 
ing along the river. It was necessary to plant 
one's feet far apart to prevent falling. The Kha- 
ma near Perm is over a mile wide, and this method 
of nature heralding spring to these snow and ice 
bound regions lacks nothing so far as grandeur is 
concerned. During the next few days millions of 
tons of derelict timber passed on its way to the 
Caspian. The careless Russian never thinks of 
hauling his spare stocks off the ice until the ice 
actually begins to move. He tells you that the 
proper time for the ice to move is between May 
1 and 5; that if it moved a week earlier it meant 
good crops, which would balance the loss of this 
timber, so he has no cause to complain. 

It is no part of my business to deal with atroci- 
ties such as have disgraced the proletarian dic^- 
tatorship of Moscow. Where I could not avoid 
them in my narrative of events, I have written 

245 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

without reference to the revolting- details which 
everybody so hungrily devours. History shows 
that it is not possible to avoid these excesses 
whenever the safeguards of civil order are swept 
away by the passions of the mob. Our own revo- 
lutionaries should remember this before and not 
after the event. They should be considered not 
as a risk, but as a certainty, when once the foun- 
dations of order are uprooted. At Perm the 
breaking of the ice revealed some of the truth, and 
it is quite sufficient evidence of the callous be- 
haviour of Bolshevik administrators. 

Below a steep bank a few yards from the Ter- 
rorist headquarters a small shed was erected on 
the ice. It was called a washhouse, and during 
the day washing was done there. The place was, 
like the streets at night, deserted, and as a square 
hole was cut through the ice it was an ideal place 
for the disposal of bodies, dead or alive. The peo- 
ple knew that after an inspection of the better- 
class homes by officers of the Soviet power, if 
there was evidence of valuable loot, the whole 
family would quietly disappear, and the valuables 
were distributed by sale or otherwise amongst the 
Soviet authorities. If a workman protested 
against this violence he, too, disappeared in the 
same secret fashion. 

The poor women who used the shed during the 
day for its legitimate purpose told from time to 
time grim stories of blood and of death struggles 
on the frozen floor as they began the morning's 

246 



IN EUROPEAN RUSSIA 

work. Several thousand people were missing by 
the time the Kolchak forces captured the town. 

The ice in the shelter of the bank began to thaw 
before the more exposed part of the river, and 
enabled the people whose friends and neighbours 
were missing to put a rude and ineffective screen 
below the shed, in the hope of being able to re- 
cover the bodies of some of their friends. I knew 
about the shed, but not about the screen until I 
was informed by Regimental Sergeant-Ma j or Gor- 
don that he had seen several hundred bodies taken 
from the river. The following morning I walked 
into the crowd of anxious people who were watch- 
ing the work. The official in charge told me quite 
simply that they had not had a very good morn- 
ing, for three hours' work had only produced 
some forty bodies. I looked at these relics of the 
new order ; they were of both sexes, and belonged 
to every condition of life from the gruff, homy- 
handed worker to the delicately-nurtured young 
girl. A miscellaneous assortment of the goods, 
among other things, revolutions are bound to de- 
liver ! 

We held a huge meeting in the great railway 
works, which created quite a sensation. The fact 
that the English were at Perm spread back to 
Omsk, and four days later a Japanese and French 
Mission had put in an appearance. If the French 
came to maintain their prestige it was a pity they 
did not choose a better agent for their purpose. 
I had been invited to lunch with a very worthy 

247 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

representative of the town, M. Pastrokoff, and his 
wife. I arrived to find the good lady in great 
agitation. A French officer had called and in- 
formed the household that a French Mission had 
just arrived composed of three officers. They 
would require the three best rooms in the house, 
the use of the servants and kitchen. That no fur- 
niture must be removed from the three rooms he 
saw under pain of punishment, &c. The lady pro- 
tested, and told the French officer that even the 
Bolsheviks had not demanded part of her very 
small house when made acquainted with the re- 
quirements of her family, but the officer had re- 
plied that any inconvenience was outweighed by 
the great honour conferred upon her house by 
the presence of officers of the French army. It 
would not be polite to the glorious French army 
to repeat Madame Pastrokoif's reply. It only 
shows how stupid it is to send to foreign coun- 
tries anything but the best men to represent a 
great and gallant nation. I naturally reminded 
Madame that she was a Russian, living in her 
own country, under her own Government, and 
she must report the case to the Russian authori- 
ties, who would doubtless provide accommodation 
for the French Mission if necessary. The Pas- 
trokoffs, coupled with the vivacious Madame Bar- 
bara Pastokova and her husband, were among the 
most homely and interesting people it was my 
pleasure to meet in the Urals. If you have never 
been in Russia you know nothing of hospitality. 

248 



IN EUROPEAN RUSSIA 

You only squirm around the fringe of the sub- 
ject. The hospitality of our friends at Perm 
was truly Russian, and I was sorry when we had 
to leave. M. Pastrokoff recalled an incident of 
the early relief of Perm from the Terrorist. 

General Pepolieff's army was stretched along 
the railway from Perm towards Vatka, the junc- 
tion of the Archangel railway. The temperature 
was more than 60 below, the men were without 
clothes, thousands had died from exposure, and 
thousands of others were in a ghastly condition 
from frost-bite. There was little or no hospital 
accommodation, and the Omsk Ministers were 
deaf to all appeals for help, all more concerned 
how they could shake off the Supreme Governor's 
control than how best to perform their duty. In 
the early days of February the feeding of the 
army became a pressing problem, and still the 
Omsk Ministers remained silent. On February 10 
Pastrokoff received an imperative order to ap- 
pear at General Hepoif 's office. At eleven a.m. he 
arrived, to find nine of the wealthiest citizens of 
Perm already collected. Looking out of the win- 
dows, they saw a full company of Siberian Rifles 
^th fixed bayonets surround the building. The 
general entered the room and sat at his table; 
they remained standing. Looking at and through 
each one separately, he delivered this cryptic 
speech: ''Gentlemen, I have brought you here to 
tell you that out on the railway between you and 
your enemies lie the remains of our brave army. 

249 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

They have little clothes, but plenty of wood, so 
their fires may prevent their bodies from being 
frozen; but ten days from now there will be no 
food, and, unless food can be secured, nothing 
can prevent their dispersal or starvation. I have 
determined that they shall neither disperse nor 
starve. The Omsk Ministers have forgotten us, 
the Supreme Governor has given his orders, but 
these paltry people who ought to assist him do 
nothing. We must do their work ourselvea." 
Reading down a list of the necessities of his army, 
he said, ^^ You gentlemen will produce these things 
within ten days. If on February 21 these sup- 
plies are not to hand, that will be the end of every- 
thing so far as you ten gentlemen are concerned." 
**He allowed no discussion," said M. Pastro- 
koff, *^and if he had we should have been discuss- 
ing it now, and the Terrorists would have reoc- 
cupied Perm. I returned home and felt cold in 
the feet. I had a guard of fifteen m_en placed on 
my person, the others were treated in the same 
way. I knew that some of my companions in 
distress were muddlers, but sent for a friend, and 
drew up plans for carrying out the general's or- 
ders. We were greatly helped in this determina- 
tion by witnessing the execution of a company and 
platoon commander of one of our regiments un- 
der General Hepoff's orders, for having allowed 
thirty men of their company to desert to the 
enemy during an affair of outposts. We saw we 
had to deal with a man who never went back on 

250 



IN EUROPEAN RUSSIA 

his word. On February 18 the general sent his 
aide-de-camp to inform the ten that it would be 
necessary for them to put their affairs in order, 
as they would be taken to the front for execu- 
tion, that the starving soldiers might know their 
immediate chiefs were not responsible for the 
condition of the army.'' M. Pastrokoff was able 
to prove the things were on the way, and only the 
disorganised conditions of the railway made it 
necessary to ask for a few days' grace. The 
general granted four days, at the end of which 
the goods were delivered as per instructions. 
''What did the general then do!" I asked. 
"When his soldiers were fed he burst into my 
house and kissed me, and would have gone on his 
knees if I would have allowed him. He has been 
here several times since, and we have become 
great friends. He is a true Russian!" added 
Pastrokoff, proudly. 

We returned to Ekaterinburg on April 29, and 
were surprised to find General Knox and the 
Headquarters Staff had removed from Omsk and 
taken up position there. The Hampshires were 
about to move up; barrack and other accommo- 
dation had already been secured. The first eche- 
lon arrived the following morning. An Anglo- 
Russian brigade of infantry was in course of for- 
mation, and likely to prove a great success. It 
would give employment to the numerous officers 
and N.C.O.'s who had arrived, and for whom no 
proper place or work had so far been provided. 

251 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

It was truly a stroke of genius for our War Of- 
fice to flood us with officers and men as instruc- 
tors for the new Russian army scarcely one of 
whom could speak a word of Russian. I felt sure 
the Russians and ourselves would get on well to- 
gether — we are so much alike. Omsk and White- 
hall are true to type, they each first exhaust the 
possibility of error; when no wrong course is 
left, the right road becomes quite easy. The only 
difference is in the motive. Ours is mostly be- 
cause social influence is always on the side of edu- 
cated mediocrity, and tlieirs because self, coupled 
with corruption, is the natural incentive to all 
exertion. 

We have a different standard — all our theories 
of government preclude the possibility of hidden 
personal advantage in the transaction of State 
business. The Russian view is that no compe- 
tent official could be expected to conduct business 
transactions for the State unless he personally 
gained some advantage. If an official neglected 
a private opportunity so obvious it would justi- 
fy the suspicion that his scruples would make him 
unequal to the proper protection of the State. In 
other words, the official who is poor at the end 
of a decent term of office never should have been 
trusted with the interest of the community. It 
is strange to hear them catalogue the proved cases 
of corruption amongst officials of other countries. 
They never forget a case of this kind, no mat- 
ter in which country it occurred. They argue 

252 



IN EUROPEAN RUSSIA 

that they are no worse than others, forgetting 
that these exceptions only prove the rule, where- 
as in Russia the honest official is rather the ex- 
ception. After all, public opinion decides the 
standard of conduct adopted by a country. Morals 
change with time, also with countries and peoples. 
A harem would be a nuisance in London, but a 
sign of Allah's blessing in Constantinople. 

I returned to Omsk on May 3 to find the snow 
and ice had given place to a storm of dust, which 
crept through every crevice of one's habitation, 
and covered everything with dirt and grit. It was, 
if anything, worse than a sandstorm in the Su- 
dan. The Sudan type is fairly clean, but this 
Omsk variety is a cloud of atomic filth, which 
carries with it every known quality of pollution, 
and several that are quite unknown. I don't re- 
member being able to smell a Sudan storm, but 
this monstrous production stank worse than a bye- 
election missile. The service of a British soldier 
on these special trips is not exactly a sinecure. 
The people at home who pay can be sure their 
money is well earned before the Tommy gets it. 
The south wind sweeps up from Mongolia and 
Turkestan, and while it brings warmth to our 
frozen bones its blessings get a bit mixed with 
other things before we get them. I only mention 
it — not to complain. We never do in wartime ! 

A special despatch from London arrived on 
May 5, which delayed my starting for Vladivos- 
tok. If the object at which it aims can be secured 

253 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

it may be a beam of light upon a very sombre sub- 
ject. I had a lengthy conference with General 
Knox upon my tour to the Urals, and the facts 
gathered as to the mineral and productive re- 
sources of the districts through which I had 
passed. The London despatch also occupied our 
attention, and as the Supreme Governor had fixed 
the next day for my final farewell interview with 
himself, the possible course of our conversation 
was also considered. It was arranged that my 
journey to Vladivostok should be delayed until 
the matter referred to in the despatch had been 
dealt with in accordance with instructions. 

My audience with the Supreme Governor was 
very cordial, and he especially thanked me for 
the help I had rendered him and Kussia in the 
dark days of November and December, 1918. He 
expressed the opinion that my mission to the 
workmen had been a great success, and was the 
first piece of definite work so far accomplished in 
the reconstruction and resurrection of the Rus- 
sian State. He pointed out that his own labours 
were devoted to the one object of restoring order 
to the country ; this work could only be performed 
by a powerful army. England had rendered him 
all help possible, but still the military problem 
engrossed all his thoughts, and precluded his tak- 
ing active part in the work of social reconstruc- 
tion. He thought his Ministers and other assist- 
ants would have been able to help in it, but he had 
been sadly mistaken, and his experience had 

254 



IN EUROPEAN RUSSIA 

taught him that it was to learn everything himself 
and therefore he was all the more grateful for my 
assistance. We took tea together, during which 
he informed me that he was about to start for 
the front to arrange for a further push along the 
northern line towards Vatka, in the direction of 
Petrograd, with the chance of forming a junc- 
tion with the forces at Archangel, and if General 
Knox would consent, he wished me to remain at 
Omsk until he returned. General Knox placed the 
London despatch before the Supreme Governor, 
and I remained to assist in settling details. 

On May 7 the chief of the British Mission, Gen- 
eral Knox, asked me to assist him in drafting the 
reply to the London despatch. The heads having 
been agreed to by the Supreme Governor, it was 
necessary to consult with the Minister who assist- 
ed him with his foreign affairs. He is distin- 
guished by a sort of cleverness which borders very 
closely to cunning. In a few years he will prob- 
ably make a very able diplomat of the old type, 
but whether that is the sort of equipment which 
will serve under the new order, now in the throes 
of birth, remains to be seen. He is Republican, 
having lived long in America, and honestly be- 
lieves that Russia must be directed in her orienta- 
tion towards Republican countries rather than to 
the evidently permanently and exclusively Mon- 
archist country, England. There I think I know 
more of his Russian fellow-countrymen and better 
understand their character and sentiments than 

255 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

he 1 But he is very young, very able, and his name 
is Sukin, and he has time to learn. 

In accordance with the wish of the Governor, 
the despatch and draft were shown to him and a 
few hours later, while dining with a Cossack gen- 
eral, I was asked if I knew anything about a des- 
patch from London which was making a great stir 
among members of the French and American 
missions. I answered that being a regimental offi- 
cer not attached to the English Mission, des- 
patches were not my business, though as a rule 
if important despatches arrived, I heard about 
them. I had heard of no despatch which could 
upset the French or Ajuerican missions. I in- 
formed Consul Hodgson, who was representing 
the High Commissioner in his absence, and it was 
decided to hurry on with the construction and com- 
pletion of the draft. It was completed in its final 
shape by General Knox and myself in his train at 
the Omsk Vatka, in front of the Russian Staffka, 
9:30 a.m., May 9, 1919. Much of this Russian 
**Bill of Rights'' had to be pushed down the 
throats of the Russian official elements. The Su- 
preme Governor never wavered over a single 
point; his large democratic sympathies were sat- 
isfied with what he hoped would be the foundation 
of Russian liberty. How fortunate for Russia that 
she had such a man to call upon in her hour of 
need! No matter what the final result of his ef- 
forts may be, whether success or defeat, his was 
the mind and personality that enabled this great 

256 



IN EUROPEAN RUSSIA 

people to bridge what looked like an impossible 
gulf, and turn their faces to the sun. 

How fortunate that at this critical hour in Rus- 
Bian history England was represented by Major- 
General Knox. I had never heard of him till I 
came to Siberia, yet in him we have a man combin- 
ing the courage of the soldier with the higher 
qualities of a statesman, ready-made for the spe- 
cial business in hand. The British Empire, doubt- 
less, like Topsy, ^^growed''; it is more an exhibi- 
tion of race-luck than genius. The way in which 
we occasionally drop the right man in the right 
place is not an act of government so much as a 
stroke of chance. We make awful bloomers in 
these matters sometimes, but in this case our luck 
has stood by us to some purpose. More than once, 
when the timidity of the ** Politicals'' had almost 
destroyed Russian faith in our honesty of pur- 
pose, the robust honesty of his personality turned 
the scale in our favour. Every Russian trusted 
him, except those who had forgotten they were 
Russians, and they hated him. That is the real 
certificate of his worth. I can quite understand 
the fear of some Labour elements at home that 
our presence here may be used by reactionaries to 
re-establish the old regime. If I were at home I 
might have the same feeling. But being here, I 
knew that it was our very presence here which 
made that for the moment impossible. The ex- 
cesses of the Bolsheviks caused the people, both 
peasant and workman, to hanker after the com- 

257 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

parative security of the Tsars. The reactionary 
elements would have been only too pleased to see 
our backs ; our presence was a safeguard against 
the absolutism for which some of them schemed. 
The craving of the peasantry and worlnnen for 
peace and security was so profound that they 
would have accepted ''Ivan the Terrible" as an 
improvement upon Lenin and Trotsky. This 
weariness of revolutionary disorder gave the op- 
portunity to reaction, unless restrained by outside 
influence. Major-General Knox did not write pol- 
ished despatches upon army movements, but he 
was, perhaps, performing a greater service to hu- 
manity and democracy by his patient and efficient 
handling on the spot of one of the great world- 
problems. 



258 



CHAPTER XX 



MAKING AN ATAMAN* 



General Evan Pootenseiff arranged a parade 
of the 2iid Siberian Cossack Regiment outside 
Omsk on May 14, to say ^ ^ Good-bye ' ' to the * * Ang- 
lisky Polkovnik,'' his officers and soldiers. Need- 
less to say we were all there, and it was an 
occasion that will be remembered by all who had 
the honour to be present. Those who look upon 
the Cossacks as a sort of untrained irregular cav- 
alry had better revise their ideas at once, for fear 
of further future miscalculations. The evolutions 
of this force in every branch of cavalry work were 
simply superb. The Cossack control of his horse, 
either singly or in combination, is not approached 
by any army in the world. The parade was under 
the immediate command of the Assistant Hetman, 
Colonel Bezovsky, and the wonderful display of 
horsemanship was applauded by the English Tom- 
mies, who were the most interested spectators. 

The parade over, the officers adjourned to an 
extremely artistic Kirghis tent, pitched on a tree- 
less plain, where lunch was served, but the viands 
were left untouched until the toast of ^^His Bri- 
tannic Majesty'' had been drunk in good Tsar 

259 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

vodka. Then it became a real military fraterni- 
sation. Officers inside, soldiers outside. No ci- 
vilian was allowed to approach within three 
versts, except the old Kirghis chief, who, dressed 
in his picturesque native garb, had travelled over 
fifty versts to attend the function of making an 
English Ataman. The band of the Cossack regi- 
ment tried valiantly to enliven the proceedings 
with music, but the English marching choruses 
soon silenced all opposition. Then the Cossack 
commander called his men round, and, giving time 
with his cowhide thong, led them through some 
of the most weird Cossack war songs it is possible 
to imagine. The difference in our mentality was 
never so well illustrated as in the songs of the two 
people. Ours were lively, happy, and full of 
frolic and fun ; theirs were slow, sad wails, which 
can only come from the heart of a long-troubled 
people. The songs of Ermak Tinothavitch, the 
conqueror of Siberia, were fierce and martial, but 
still the strain of tragedy ran through them all. 
Then the Cossacks placed their commander upon 
two swords, and tossed him while singing the song 
of Stenkarazin, the robber chief, and at the end 
drew their swords and demanded toll, which took 
the form of ^ve bottles extra. I was then admit- 
ted to the fraternity, and presented with the Het- 
man's badge, and, after due ceremony with a Cos- 
sack sword, by the regiment, admitted to their 
circle. I went through the sword tossing, and 
gained freedom for 100 roubles, and here my nar- 

260 



MAKING AN ATAMAN 

rative of the making of a Cossack had best end. 
Sufficient to say I never met a freer-hearted set of 
men in my travels round the world than these 
dreaded guardians of the Tsars, and if, in course 
of time, I get tired of England, I shall claim my 
kinship with these freemen of forest and plain. 
These men so love liberty that not even the Tsars 
dared interfere with their rights. 



261 



CHAPTEE XXI 

HOMEWAKD BOUND 

Oisr May 17 Omsk was excluded from the Vatka, 
and by this indirect means became aware that the 
Supreme Governor was returning from the front. 
The Cossack Guard lined up outside the station, 
while detachments of Eussian infantry in English 
uniforms occupied the platform. The Eussian 
Tommies looked quite smart, and except for their 
long, narrow, triangular bayonets, might easily 
have been mistaken for English troops. While 
awaiting the train General Knox informed me that 
two of our proposals, *^ Woman suffrage '' and 
^* Universal education'' had been cut out by the 
reactionaries. Why are the Churches of the world 
so hostile to the popular education of the people? 
The Church is quite prepared to allow the people 
to receive educational instruction if controlled by 
the priests. They would rather leave them in ig- 
norance and the easy prey of Bolshevik charla- 
tanism than allow free play for intelligent think- 
ing. Woman suffrage was opposed by quite a 
different set of men, mostly those who make enor- 
mous display of deference to drawing-room ladies, 

262 



HOMEWARD BOUND 

and look upon us Englishmen as wanting in gal- 
lantry because we do not kiss every feminine hand 
we shake. On the whole, I think it is good to have 
pushed them ahead so far. Measured by Eussian 
standards it amounts to a revolution in ideas of 
government. The great thing here just now is to 
fix some point behind which the pendulum shall 
not be allowed to swing towards reaction. The 
workmen are sick of strife, and would gladly go 
straight back to the old regime as an easy way 
of escape from Bolshevism. This is the danger 
from which English diplomacy has, and is trying 
to guard the Russian people, if possible. 

Having finished my work at Omsk, I asked that 
arrangements might be made as quickly as possi- 
ble to transport my escort and myself to Vladi- 
vostok. The arrangements were complete by May 
21, when I announced myself ready to begin the 
first stage of my journey homeward. The Su- 
preme Governor surprised me by proposing to 
visit me in my carriage at the Vatka to say 
** Good-bye. '^ At 7 p.m. he came, attended by his 
aide-de-camp. He was very gracious in his thanks 
for my services to the Russian people. He said 
my voice, presence, and influence had aroused the 
better elements to throw off the feeling of despair 
which had so universally settled upon them. He 
did not presume to calculate the good I had done, 
though none appreciated it better than himself, 
since we had been thrown by circumstances into 
personal contact with each other. Without at- 

263 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

tempting to form an estimate of his character I 
thought his visit the act of a gentleman, and as 
such I appreciated it. 

I could but recall the last time he visited me in 
those dark, doubtful days of November, when I, 
who had no thought or place in my make-up for 
the word ^^ Dictator," suddenly found myself in 
the presence of him who had at that moment as- 
sumed such a position, and, what was more seri- 
ous for me, found myself forced on my ovm au- 
thority, unaided by one word of warning or coun- 
sel from others, instantly to decide not only my 
own attitude but also to some extent that of my 
country, towards this last act in the drama of a 
people grown desperate. Once having given my 
promise to help, he never found that help withheld 
at critical moments later. The British forces were 
few, but they were disciplined and knew their own 
mind, and this was what every other party, both 
Russian and Allies, lacked. Every Allied force 
had its ^'Politicals'' at hand, and therefore were 
powerless for any purpose; the fates had sent 
ours to Vladivostok, 5,000 versts East, at the very 
moment when their presence and general political 
policy would have paralysed correct military ac- 
tion. 

The month which intervened before they could 
exert direct influence upon the situation enabled 
us to consolidate the new orientation. The greater 
part of this time we were in the air, having cut 
our own communications, and no countermanding 

264 



HOMEWARD BOUND 

orders could interrupt or confuse the nerve cen- 
tre. At first the *^ Politicals'^ were incUned to be 
angry, but with such a tower of strength as Gen- 
eral kno5;in support they soon came to look upon 
the proceedings as a ^'fait accompli/' Later, they 
confessed that their absence at the supreme mo- 
ment was the act of a wise providence. The very 
nature of their business, had they been present, 
would have created delays and difficulties that 
might have proved fatal to success. Except for 
some quaint fetish about the necessity for mam- 
taining the usual diplomatic forms, there is no 
necessity for delay in emergencies of this descrip- 
tion. If an ordinary intelligent Englishman with 
a fair knowledge of Enghsh history and a grasp 
of the traditions and mentality of his countrymen 
cannot carry on, how are people miles away, with 
no opportunity to visualise the actual situation, 
to instruct him? Diplomatic methods and forms 
are all right for leisurely negotiations, but useless 
for urgent and dangerous occasions. If my work 
fails, as even now it may, I shall be subject to 
severe criticism, but I shall get that even if it suc- 
ceeds, so what does it matter so long as, m my own 
mind, I did the best in the circumstances. 

My journey east was broken at Krasnoyarsk to 
enable me to interview the new commander, Gen- 
eral Eosanoif, who had taken in hand the sup- 
press^n of the revolt of the Lettish peasants 
north of the railway. South of the line all hos- 
tile elements had been dispersed. The Ime cut 

265 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

through the centre of the Bolshevik field of oper- 
ations. The Czechs were guarding the actual rail- 
way, and while they prevented large forces from 
moving across, they took but little trouble to pre- 
vent miscreants from tampering with the rails, as 
was shown by the scores of derailed trains in all 
stages of destruction strewn along the track. This 
had naturally involved great material loss, and 
still worse a huge toll of innocent human life. One 
train, a fast passenger, accounted for 200 women 
and children, not reckoning men. Fairly large 
Eussian forces were now placed at General Eo- 
sanotf 's disposal, and by a wide turning move- 
ment from Krasnoyarsk in a north-easterly direc- 
tion and a large cavalry force operating towards 
the north-west from Irkutsk the whole gang would 
be herded towards the centre, and a few weeks 
should liquidate the disturbance. The Krasno- 
yarsk and the Ussurie movements of the Bolshe- 
viks were under the direction of able officers ap- 
pointed by the Eed Guard headquarters at Mos- 
cow, with whom they were in constant communica- 
tion. 

Passing Irkutsk, we again struck the Baikal, 
looking more glorious than before. The warm 
south-west winds had cleared the snow from the 
western hills and thawed the ice from that half 
of the sea. The other half was still ice-bound. 
In the morning sunshine the snow-covered moun- 
tains on the east pierced the heavens with the ra- 
diance of eternal day. The disappearance of the 

266 



HOMEWARD BOUND 

sun only adds to tlieir beauty ; they alone seem to 
know no night. As we travelled round under the 
shadow of these giants the temperature fell many 
degrees below zero, and the cold from the water 
penetrated the carriages, necessitating fires and 
warm furs even in the June sunshine. 

I had received intimation that it would be of 
service to the Omsk Government if I would call 
upon Colonel Semenoff and use my good offices 
and my newly conferred honour as a Siberian 
Cossack Ataman to recall this erring son of Mus- 
covy to the service of the State. I knew that Brit- 
ish pressure had been applied to persuade the 
Japanese to cease their open and secret financial 
and moral support to this redoubtable opponent 
of the Russian Government, and it was rumoured 
that British wishes had at last been complied with. 
It was common knowledge that the illegal flog- 
gings, murders, and robberies committed under 
the alleged authority of Colonel Semenoff would 
not have remained unpunished a day if he had 
not been under the protection of one of the most 
numerously represented Allied forces. What- 
ever faults may be alleged against Admiral Kol- 
chak, cruelty or injustice cannot be one of them. 
I well remember his fury when it was reported 
to him that some eighty workmen had been ille- 
gally flogged by Semenoff 's soldiers at Chita. His 
poor dilapidated reserves were ordered to move 
at once to their protection. Semenoif prepared 
his armoured trains and troops to receive them, 

267 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

but the same Allied Power which fed, clothed, and 
armed his troops, kept at bay those who were 
ordered to avenge the wrongs of the Russian 
workmen. On another occasion I remember his 
almost hopeless despair when some truculent offi- 
cers had used their weapons and badges of rank 
to secure the persons of some Bolshevik prisoners, 
and, anticipating the decision of the court about 
to try them, shot them in cold blood. He at once 
executed the officers and men who handed them 
over, and such of those who were party to the con- 
spiracy, even though they claimed to be merely 
the avengers of their own murdered families. 
Stern impartial justice is part and parcel of this 
remarkable man's character. It was this very 
trait which made Semenoif and the Supreme Gov- 
ernor natural enemies. 

The day that I arrived at Chita it was officially 
announced that Semenoff had made his submis- 
sion to the authority of Kolchak, and had accepted 
an appointment in the Russian army. My task, 
therefore, changed its character, the proposed ad- 
monishment became a congratulation, and a very 
frank and friendly half -hour's interview, the colo- 
nel returning the visit at my carriage later. Colo- 
nel Semenoff is one of the most striking person- 
alities I have met in Russia. A man of medium 
height, with square, broad shoulders, he has an 
enormous head, the size of which is enhanced by 
the flat Mongol face, from which gleam two clear, 
brilliant eyes that belong rather to an animal than 

268 



HOMEWARD BOUND 

to a man. The whole pose of the body is at first 
suspicious, alert, determined, like a tiger ready 
to spring, to rend and tear, but in repose the 
change is remarkable, and with a quiet smile upon 
the brown face, the body relaxed, Colonel Seme- 
noff is a very pleasant personality. His great 
physical strength has caused the Japanese to 
name him ** Samurai, '* or ^' Brave Knight of the 
Field," and I think that is a good description of 
his character. Kelentlessness, fearlessness, even 
kindness are found in his mixture. The Princes of 
Mongolia have asked him to become their Em- 
peror, and should he choose this path a whirlwind 
will pass over the neighbouring lands. Perhaps 
underneath he is, after all, a good Eussian — time 
will tell. If his conversion is real he will add a 
tower of strength to the Eussian fighting forces. 
At Harbin I heard a full explanation of the rea- 
son for the Mongolians approaching Semenoff to 
become their Emperor. Mongolia previous to the 
revolution was considered as under a loose sort of 
Eussian protection. Since the break up of the 
Eussian Empire the Japanese have roamed all 
over the country during these last two years, and 
have spent time and money lavishly in propa- 
ganda. They first tried to orientate the Mongol 
mind towards a direct connection with themselves, 
but their avarice and conceit offend all the people 
with whom they come in contact. This direct 
method of getting control of Mongolia had there- 

269 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

fore to be abandoned in favour of a round-about 
but more dangerous policy. 

Colonel Semenoff is only half Russian, his 
mother being a Mongolian woman of high birth. 
He speaks Mongolian perfectly, and the Mongol- 
ians claim him as one of their own. Semenoff 
admitted to me personally that he had been sub- 
sidised all through by Japan. It was the Japanese 
who called the Mongolian princes together, and 
prevailed upon them to offer Semenoff the title 
of Emperor of Mongolia. At present he has other 
fish to fry, but when his other schemes fail, as I 
think they must, he will be quite ready to play the 
Japanese game in Mongolia just as faithfully as 
he has done in Siberia. 

About thirty versts west of Manchuli our train 
was stopped by a red flag, and a railway workman 
informed us of a raid upon a homestead by the 
side of the railway, the robbers having decamped 
two hours before our arrival. The father had two 
bullets through his chest, and one through the 
right side of his neck, and had crawled over a 
verst to give information. He was picked up on 
our train, and we went forward to the scene of the 
tragedy. In the small wooden house covered with 
loose feathers lay the dead body of the mother 
with her unborn baby; near by lay a girl about 10, 
with her head terribly wounded; in an outhouse 
was the body of their Chinese boy. My hospital 
orderly rendered what aid was possible to the 
girl, who was carried by Madame Frank to my 

270 



HOMEWARD BOUND 

carriage for conveyance to the hospital at Man- 
chuli. A civilian doctor declared both cases hope- 
less, and the depositions of the man were taken. 
Briefly, this statement was as follows: 

When the Bolsheviks first occupied Manchuli a railway work- 
man of Anarchist tendencies was appointed Soviet Commissar 
of the district. Afterwards, when the Bolshevik power was 
destroyed and their forces were driven off the railway, Bolshe- 
vik bands took to the forest. Some engaged in running con- 
traband over the Chinese frontier, others formed themselves 
into bands who not only robbed the isolated peasantry, but 
forced young men to join them, and afterwards levied toll 
upon large villages and small towns. About three o'clock one 
morning this Bolshevik Commissar knocked at a cottage door, 
and asked the father to let him come in, as he was very tired, 
having had a long journey with contraband. Believing him 
to be alone, he opened the door. The room was immediately 
filled with armed men, who demanded his savings or they 
would take his life. This Commissar, from his knowledge of 
such matters, believing the man's savings were in the feather 
pillow, ripped it open and took 4,600 roubles. Having col- 
lected all the other small articles of value in the house, these 
innocent children of the revolution held consultation as to the 
necessity of killing everybody who knew them to be Bolshe- 
viks, so that the crime should be cast upon the Chinese robber 
gangs who occasionally raid Russian territory. This important 
point in the regeneration of Russia settled, they shot the man 
in the chest and the shoulder. The wife, begging for the life 
of her husband, was bayonetted, the aroused Chinese workman 
was despatched with a rifle, and then these harmless idealists 
departed. So far they had not touched the girl, but the father 
on regaining consciousness heard the closed door open again, 
the leader of the comrades re-entered, picked up a small 
axe, and proceeded to smash the head of this child. 

Nature in its terrible revolt gave the father the power to 
271 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

raise himself slightly from the floor in a vain effort to grapple 
with this representative of the new regime. The commissar 
shouted, "What, still alive!" and fired two more point-blank 
shots at the prostrate man. 

It was entirely due to the tenacity of the father 
that the object of the killing was frustrated and 
the identification of the scoundrels with the Bol- 
shevik commanders operating in this neighbour- 
hood completed. I had no time to pick up the trail 
and punish the murderers. "What sort of punish- 
ment the Tommies would have decided as neces- 
sary to fit the crime is better imagined than de- 
scribed ! 

It was June when we passed over the Khinghan 
range, a series of sand mountains of great extent, 
the breeding ground for numerous herds of horses 
who spread themselves over the slopes and plains 
and sometimes endanger the safety of the railway. 
Snow was falling in clouds and banked itself 
against the rails and telegraph poles in a surpris- 
ing manner considering the time of the year. The 
summer of this wild region lasts about two 
months, July and August, during which time the 
sand becomes hot and travelling is not comfort- 
able. After crossing the summit the plains fall 
gradually away, enabling the trains to move with 
great rapidity, and in less than two days we struck 
Harbin and donned our topees and tropical 
clothes. 

Harbin is the centre of Chinese and Russian 
political and financial intrigue. Other races take 

272 



HOMEWARD BOUND 

a fair hand in the business, but the predominant 
place must be conceded to these two. There is 
some sort of national feeling amongst the worst 
type of Kussian speculator, but none amongst the 
Chinese. The Harbin Chinaman is perfectly de- 
nationalised, and ought therefore, according to 
some standards of political reckonings, to be the 
most ideal citizen in the world, but the world 
who knows him hopes that for ever he may be ex- 
clusively confined to Harbin. 

I had a long conversation with General Ghon- 
dati, one of the most level-headed living states- 
men of the old regime. All his hopes are centred 
on the success of Admiral Kolchak in his efforts 
to secure order and enable the National Assembly 
to consider the question of a constitutional mon- 
archy on England's pattern, to be established at 
Moscow. Failing this, he feared Eussia's travail 
would last longer and might be fatal to her exist- 
ence. He was not himself opposed to a federal 
republic, but was certain that without a head the 
undisciplined semi-Oriental elements would never 
accept the abolition of absolutism as final. The 
Eussian people have it in their bones to obey a 
leader; their warlike nature precludes the possi- 
bility of their continued loyalty to a junta, how- 
ever able. A crown on top with a parliament to 
control and direct would be the happiest solution 
of Eussia's present difficulties. He summed his 
theory up in these words: ''A properly elected 

273 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

parliament to make the law and rule, but tliere 
must be a monarch to issue its orders." 

Though this is the expressed opinion of what 
the Bolshevik would term one of the *^old regime, '^ 
it is, nevertheless, the openly-expressed opinion 
of the sensible leaders of every class of Russian 
society, except two — the Bolsheviks on the one 
hand, and the Absolutists on the other. More 
than once already these two extremes have come 
close together to frustrate the possibility of a 
compromise on constitutional lines. They openly 
declare that unless power is given to either one 
or the other they would prefer that the present 
anarchy should continue. It is not the first time 
in revolutionary history that the adherents of au- 
tocracy (Royalist and otherwise) have preferred 
the ruin of their country to the loss of their own 
personal power. Ghondati is a clear-headed pa- 
triot, and I am surprised that his counsel has not 
been sought in this supreme moment of his coun- 
try's history. His ideas relating to recognition 
by the Powers were rather remarkable. He did 
not think that any country could give help to Rus- 
sia without either asking for conditions or being 
suspected of doing so. The only exception was 
England. The reason England is not suspected 
is that her Empire is so vast and various in char- 
acter that she has all the raw material for her 
trade and space for her surplus population she 
requires. Her help, unlike any other State, so far, 
has been unselfish and unconditional. He quite 

274 



HOMEWARD BOUND 

saw that **tbls fact was producing a steady and 
permanent orientation of Russian opinion to- 
wards England, which, if cultivated by British 
statesmanship, would eventually give my country 
everything she required," while those whose help 
was always surrounded with conditions would 
have great difficulty in retaining advantages se- 
cured only under the pressure of circumstances. 



275 



CHAPTER XXn 

AMEKICAN POLICY AND ITS EESULTS 

At Nikolsk my train was stopped, as tlie No. 4 
post train from Vladivostok had been wrecked by 
Bolsheviks, a startling situation considering that 
eleven months previous the whole power of Bol- 
shevism had been destroyed in these maritime 
provinces. The station commandant was an old 
friend who had given me his own private official 
carriage at the time when an attempt was made to 
lower the prestige of British officers. He came 
into my car and began to explain how the cross 
purposes of the American and Japanese forces 
were producing a state of uncertainty and disor- 
der as bad as, if not worse than, that which ex- 
isted under the Bolshevik regime. Our conversa- 
tion was cut short by the receipt of a telegram 
from the stationmaster at Kreyevesky. It was to 
the effect that he was using his own line from his 
house, because a few minutes previously a detach- 
ment of the Red Guard had entered the station, 
and in the presence of the American soldiers who 
were guarding the railway had placed himself and 
his staff under arrest, and taken possession of the 
station. That the Reds had sent a message to 

276 



AMERICAN POLICY AND ITS RESULTS 

Shenakovka ordering all Russian railway officiala 
and staff to leave their posts as the Bolshevik 
army, with the sanction of the American forces, 
were about to take over the line. The Red Guards' 
officer, in proof of his order, stated *^that fifteen 
American soldiers are now standing in the room 
from which I am sending this message.'' Having 
issued these orders in the presence of the Ameri- 
cans, they removed the telegraph and telephone 
apparatus, and the stationmaster wished to know 
what he w^as to do, and whether any help could be 
sent him. Imagine my utter astonishment at this 
message, containing, as it undoubtedly did, evi- 
dence of co-operation and understanding between 
the Bolshevik forces and one of our Allies. 

In one of my conversations with Admiral Kol- 
chak I had asured him that the policy of the Allies 
was to resist disorder and support order, that I 
could not believe America had come to Siberia to 
make his task more difficult, but to help him in 
every reasonable way. He agreed that such was 
the intention of the American people, but he 
feared that the American command was being 
used for quite other purposes. His officers had 
informed him that out of sixty liaison officers and 
translators with American headquarters, over 
fifty were Russian Jews, or the relatives of Rus- 
sian Jews ; some had been exiled from Russia for 
political and other offences, and now returned as 
American citizens, capable of influencing Ameri- 
can policy in a direction not that of the Ameri- 

277 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

can people. I assured him that this could not be, 
and that his people might themselves in this mat- 
ter be under the influence of a Near Eastern neigh- 
bour, not friendly to American interference in 
Eastern affairs, and that under this influence they 
might greatly magnify the danger. 

My words seemed to ease his mind, but he re- 
gretfully replied that the reports were so volum- 
inous and categorical in character that he thought 
I, as a representative of the people of England, 
as well as an officer of his Majesty, ought to be 
made acquainted with the situation. This subject 
had almost disappeared from my mind, but the 
message from the station-master at Kraevesk 
revived it with the vividness of a sudden blow. 
I at once determined to make myself acquainted, 
as far as possible, with the policy of the Ajneri- 
can commanders, and, with this object in view, 
I interviewed many American officers and sol- 
diers. I found that both officers and men were 
most anxious to render all the help possible to 
maintain Kolchak's authority and crush disorder 
in the Far East, and, as they put it, ^^ justify their 
presence in Siberia.'' Many felt that at present 
they were only helping the Bolsheviks to recover 
their lost hold upon the people by providing neu- 
tral territory for Bolshevik propaganda; that 
when they arrived in the country in August, 1918, 
the English, Czechs, and Japanese, with the aid 
of such Russian units as then existed, had re- 
duced the maritime provinces to order, but that 

278 



AMERICAN POLICY AND ITS RESULTS 

their own efforts had produced a state of affairs 
similar to, if not worse than, that which existed 
during the actual Bolshevik occupation. I learnt 
from these American troops that some of their 
officials had been in actual correspondence with 
Red Guard officers, and that more than one under- 
standing had been arrived at between them. That 
for a time the ordinary American soldiers thought 
the understanding betwen the two forces was so 
general and friendly in character, that no further 
hostile acts were to be contemplated between 
them. It was true that this wrecking of trains 
and attacks on the line guarded by American sol- 
diers made things look serious, but they felt sure 
that the confidence existing between the American 
and Red Guard Headquarters was so well estab- 
lished, that these acts of brigandage could only 
be due to some misunderstanding. The Kraevesk 
affair appeared to be only a symptom of much 
larger policy, and not the foolish act of a negli- 
gent subordinate officer. 

Following up my inquiries, there fell into my 
hands a letter, dated May 24th, from the Ameri- 
can officer, Capt. , commanding the American 

forces at Svagena, addressed to the officer com- 
manding the Red Guard operating in that district. 
The American officer addressed the Red Guard 
commandant as a recognised officer of equal mili- 
tary standing. The American officer complained 
that after a recent fraternisation which had taken 
place in accordance with previous arrangements 

279 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

of the two forces near the ^*wood mill,'' on the de- 
parture of the Red troops, he received reports 
that the Red Guard officer had ordered the de- 
struction of certain machinery at the mill, and had 
also torn up two sections of the line at points east 
and west of the Svagena station. The American 
captain enumerated other accusations against the 
Eed Guard, such as threats to bayonet certain or- 
derly-disposed people who would not join the Bol- 
shevik army, and warned the Red Commissar that 
these acts were contrary to the agreement en- 
tered into by the chiefs of the American and Red 
forces, and if such acts were repeated he would 
take steps to punish those who committed such 
breaches of their joint understanding. 

I think this letter from the American officer at 
Svagena is positive proof of some local or general 
understanding between them and the Red army 
operating in the maritime provinces ; further, that 
this understanding had existed for many months ; 
that it was this understanding which prevented 
the American forces joining in the combined Al- 
lied expedition to relieve the besieged Russian 
garrison in the Suchan district; that under this 
American-Bolshevik agreement the small scat- 
tered Red Guards bands, who were dispersed by 
the Allies at the battle of Dukoveskoie in August 
last, had collected together and formed definite 
military units. In other words, the American pol- 
icy, unconsciously or otherwise, had produced a 
state of indecision amongst the Allies, and unrest 

280 



AMERICAN POLICY AND ITS RESULTS 

and anarchy amongst the population of the Trans- 
baikal and Ussurie Provinces, which might prove 
disastrous to the rapid establishment of order in 
Russia. 

There are other indications that the presence of 
the American forces in Siberia has been used by 
somebody for purposes not purely American. The 
business of the American Command is to secure 
order in those districts which have been placed 
under its control by the Council of Allied Com- 
manders. There is another self-evident and obvi- 
ous duty, namely, to shape their conduct in such 
manner as to create friendly relations with sucb 
elements of Russian authority and order as are 
gradually reappearing here and there, under the 
influence of the Supreme Governor, and also pro- 
vide as little space and opportunity as possible for 
the collection and reorganisation of the elements 
of disorder. The policy of the American Com- 
mand, quite unintentionally, perhaps, has been 
quite the reverse. Their policy has resulted in 
orientating every Russian authority against them, 
or where this has not happened they have orien- 
tated themselves against Russian authority. They 
have prepared plans and created opportunities 
for the reorganisation of the forces of disorder, 
which, if it does not actually create a serious situ- 
ation for themselves, will do so for those Allies 
who are trying to bring order out of chaos. The 
reduction of the whole country to order, to enable 
it to decide its own future form of government, is 

281 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

as much an American as a British object. That 
some sinister underground influence has deflected 
American policy from this straight and honest 
course is quite obvious. 

Contrary to general Allied opinion, the Ameri- 
can Command declared a neutral zone in the Su- 
chan district. Armed operations by Russian, i.e., 
Admiral Kolchak's or Red Guard forces, were 
prohibited within this zone. Lenin and Trotsky 's 
officers jumped at this order, and at once began to 
collect their scattererd forces together. Within 
three weeks they raised their Bolshevik flag on 
their own headquarters, under the protection of 
the flag of the United States. From this neutral 
American zone the Bolsheviks organised their 
forces for attacking the Japanese on the Amur, 
for destroying British and other supply trains on 
the Ussurie Railway, and finally exchanged shots 
with the Russian sentries near Vladivostok itself, 
always bolting back to the American zone when at- 
tacked by the forces of the Supreme Governor. 

The other Allies and the Russians, having got 
the measure of this neutral zone business, natur- 
ally took steps to protect their men and property, 
and for a time the operations of this very ener- 
getic Lenin officer were confined to robbing and 
destroying a few isolated villages in the Maritime 
Provinces, but the utter absurdity of the Ameri- 
can policy was at last brought home to the Ameri- 
cans themselves. The Red Guard commandant, 
chafing under the restrictions imposed upon him 

282 



AMERICAN POLICY AND ITS RESULTS 

by the Eussian and Japanese forces, in which the 
British also joined, when Captain Edwards could 
get near with his good ship Kent, decided to at- 
tack the unsuspecting Americans themselves. The 
Eed Guard were very clever in their operations. 
The Almerican troops were guarding the Vladivos- 
tok-Suchan Railway, and the neutral zone was sit- 
uated at the extreme end of the line. If the Red 
Guard had attacked the end near the zone their 
tactics would have been discovered at once. They, 
therefore, usually marched out from the American 
zone, made a detour through villages and forest, 
and struck the railway at a point as far distant as 
possible. Destroying a bit of line; perhaps, if 
they had the good luck, burning a bridge, they 
usually exchanged a few shots with the American 
troops, and, if pressed, marched back to the zone 
under the protection of a section of the very 
forces they had been raiding. 

The American command naturally became more 
vigilant on the distant sections of the line, and 
this forced the Bolsheviks to operate nearer and 
nearer the protected zone, but in the meantime 
they managed to kill several Russian soldiers, 
wound a few Americans, and destroy fiYQ different 
sections of the railway. Then they operated too 
near the zone, and the American troops pressed 
them straight into their own zone, where, to add 
insult to injury, they claimed that, in accordance 
with the American proclamation, they could not 
be molested, as military operations were prohib- 

283 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

ited within the zone. Instead of proceeding to 
root out this nest of pirates, someone suggested 
that a more comprehensive and binding arrange- 
ment was necessary between the American and 
Red Guard forces to prevent such regrettable oc- 
currences in future. It was common talk that a 
conference between the Red Guard commander 
and General Graves, the American General OfiScer 
Commanding, was actually arranged, but was 
dropped when the Supreme Governor's represen- 
tative in the Far East declared to General Graves 
personally that his proposed conference with the 
enemies of the Russian Government would be con- 
sidered as a hostile act. The breaking-off of these 
negotiations caused great annoyance to the Soviet 
Government at Moscow, and they ordered their 
commissars in Ussurie to use the forces which 
had been organised under Ajnerican protection 
to attack their protectors, which they at once pro- 
ceeded to do. This doubtless altered the relation- 
ship of these two parties, though the chances are 
that the powerful influence which forced the 
American commanders into this ill-fated policy 
will be powerful enough to prevent an open Ameri- 
can declaration against the Reds in the Far East. 
It is well at this stage to estimate the effect this 
American muddle has had, and will continue to 
exert, upon the effort of the Allies to secure some 
sort of order in the Russian Empire, and upon 
the position of the Americans themselves in their 
ftttmre relations with the Russian people. At the 

284 



AMERICAN POLICY AND ITS RESULTS 

moment of writing the American troops are 
spread over the whole province from Vladivostok 
to Nevsniudinsk, a point just east of the Sea of 
Baikal. They are almost entirely confined to the 
railway, but in this country the railway is the 
centre and heart of all things. American policy 
at Vladivostok applies to the whole of this area, 
which is really the Transbaikal Provinces, or aU 
Siberia east of Baikal. In the early days of Sep- 
tember, 1918, when I passed with my battalion 
towards Omsk, this immense area had been re- 
duced to order by the efforts of the Allies, at the 
head of which I place the gallant Czechs. The 
American forces arrived too late to take part in 
the military operations, but began to settle down 
to the work of administration with energy and 
ability. The French moved forward after myself, 
and the Italian unit followed later, leaving the 
Americans and Japanese, with such isolated local 
Eussian forces as had called themselves into be- 
ing, in absolute possession of the Transbaikal Si- 
beria. There was not a single band of Eed Guards 
1,000 strong in the whole territory. After nine 
months of Allied occupation the Reds have organ- 
ised two divisions (so called) of from 5,000 to 
7,000 men, and numerous subsidiary units of a few 
hundred, who murder and rob in every direction 
and destroy every semblance of order which the 
Supreme Governor and the Allies have with so 
much labour attempted to set up. This huge pro- 
vince has in so short a time descended from cona- 

285 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

parative order to sporadic disorder, simply be- 
cause America has no Russian policy of her own, 
and rejects that of her friends. It was a major 
mistake of England and France to leave America 
and Japan cheek by jowl, without a moderating 
influence to wreck the good work they had accom- 
plished in the Far East. The rivalries of these 
two States in this part of the world were well 
known, and should have been provided for. It 
was too much to expect that they would forget 
their concession and trade rivalries in a disinter- 
ested effort to help Russia. States are not usually 
philanthropic organisations, these two least of all. 
The work has therefore to be largely done over 
again, either by us or by the Supreme Governor, 
Admiral Kolchak. Or the Allies, finding the task 
too great, may retire, and allow this huge prov- 
ince, probably the wealthiest part of the world, 
to go back to the barbarism of the Bolshevik. 



286 



CHAPTER XXIII 

JAPANESE POLICY AND ITS RESULTS 

The want of Allied cohesion produced by the de- 
fection of American policy from that of the Euro- 
pean States may change completely the status and 
future of American enterprise in Siberia. Amer- 
ica has transformed a friendly population into at 
least a suspicious, if not a hostile, one. Japan, 
on the other hand, has steadily pursued her spe- 
cial interests, and taken full advantage of every 
American mistake, until she is now looked upon 
as the more important of the two. 

The attitude of Japan to the Eussian problem 
made a complete somersault in the course of the 
year August, 1918, to August, 1919. When Japan 
sent her 12th Division, under General Oie, to the 
Ussurie, a year ago, she did so with a definite 
policy. Her ambitions were entirely territorial. 
They doubtless remain so. The line of her 
advance has, however, completely changed. In 
1918 she had made up her mind that Germany 
was bound to win the war; that Russia was a con- 
quered country; that any day she might be called 
upon to repudiate her English alliance and her 
Entente engagements, and assist Germany and 

287 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

her Bolshevik Allies in driving the Entente 
Powers from the eastern end of the Tsar's do- 
minions. Provided Germany defeated the Allies 
on the Western front, as she confidently antici- 
pated, this task was well within her power. So 
insignificant was the task assigned to her in this 
eventuality that she confidently expected the im- 
mediate surrender of such scattered Allied and 
American forces as would find themselves ma- 
rooned in this back end of the world. Believing 
this to be the position, she acted accordingly, 
treating the Russians and the other Allied forces 
in the stupidly arrogant manner I have already 
described. With the naivete of a young Eastern 
prodigy, she not only made demands upon her Al- 
lies, but at the same time made definite proposals 
to such Russian authorities as retained a precari- 
ous control over the territory she had already as- 
signed to herself. On landing her troops at Vla- 
divostok, she presented, through her proper diplo- 
matic agents, to the commander of that province, 
a set of proposals which would have placed her in 
control of the Russian maritime Provinces. The 
Russian commander asked that these demands 
should be put in writing, and the Japanese agent, 
after some demur, agreed, on the understanding 
that the first demands should not be considered as 
final, but only as an instalment of others to come. 
The first proposal was that Japan should ad- 
vance the commander 150,000,000 roubles (old 
value), and the commander should sign an agree- 

288 



JAPANESE POLICY AND ITS RESULTS 

ment giving Japan possession of the foreshore 
and fishing rights up to Kumehatka, a perpetual 
lease of the Englisky mines, and the whole of the 
iron, less that belonging to the Allies, to be found 
in Vladivostok. The town commander appears to 
have been quite honest about the business, for, in 
correspondence, he pointed out that he was not 
the Government of Russia, neither could he sign 
the property or rights of Russia away in the 
manner suggested. The Japanese reply was sim- 
ple and to the point: *'Take our money and sign 
the agreement, and we will take the risks about 
its validity.^' 

The old Directorate, with Avkzentieff, Bolde- 
roff and Co., standing sponsors for the Russian 
convention, were supposed to control Russian af- 
fairs at this time. Directly the commandant re- 
fused to agree to the Japanese demands, they 
transferred their claims to the old Directorate, 
The Directorate sent Evanoff Renoff to Vladivos- 
tok to conduct the negotiations and, I suppose, to 
collect the money. When I was at Vladivostok in. 
June, 1919, huge stores of iron were being col- 
lected; some had already been shipped to Japan. 
Avkzentieff was exiled, and Bolderoff was living 
in comfort and safety in Japan. These are the 
things that are above and can be seen. What hap- 
pened to the other part of the first instalment of 
Japanese proposals for helping Russia will doubt- 
less be known later. 

At the end of August, 1918, it was decided that 
289 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

until some sort of central authority to act as the 
organ of Government was set up it was futile to 
hope for the return of orderly government. For 
thi^ purpose the British went forward to Omsk, 
and asked the Japanese to do likewise. The Jap- 
anese would not move, because they wished to con- 
solidate their power in the provinces nearest Ja- 
pan. When America did arrive on the scene she 
still tarried to watch American operations. The 
British moved off into the unknown with a 5,000 
mile line of unguarded communications. The Jap- 
anese opened negotiations with the Directorate 
for the absolute possession of the railways to the 
Urals, and also asked what concessions Japan 
could expect to receive, territorial and mineral, 
as compensation for the use of her army for the 
Directorate's protection. A convention had just 
been signed, or was on the point of signature, be- 
tween the Japanese and the Directorate, placing 
the entire railways in Japanese hands, when the 
Directorate fell. The first act of the Supreme 
Governor, Admiral Kolchak, was to inform the 
Japanese that the change in the Government in- 
volved a change in policy with regard to the ad- 
vance of Japanese troops and the occupation of 
the railway. The Japanese protested, but the Ad- 
miral stood firm. 

This attitude of the Supreme Governor was a 
serious setback to Japanese policy, and they bo- 
came alarmed for their position in the Far East 
should his authority extend in that direction. Het- 

290 



JAPANESE POLICY AND ITS RESULTS 

man Semenoff had for some time been kept by the 
Japanese in reserve for such an occasion. His 
forces were ranged around Chita, and his influ- 
ence and authority extended from the Manchurian 
•border to Lake Baikal. On receiving intimation 
of the change in policy from Admiral Kolchak, 
the Japanese ordered SemenofP to repudiate the 
Supreme Governor's authority; they gave the 
same instructions to Kalmakov, who occupied a 
similar position on the Ussurie railway, so placing 
an effective barrier between themselves and their 
Eastern concessions and the Supreme Governor. 
The Supreme Governor ordered his staff to clear 
these two mutineers off the line, but the Japanese 
Staff informed the Supreme Governor that these 
two Kussian patriots and their forces were under 
the protection of Japan, and if necessary they 
would move the Japanese army forward to their 
succour. 

Semenoff and Kalmakov 's successful resistance 
to the Omsk Government, backed up by the armed 
forces of one of the Allies, had a disastrous ef- 
fect upon the situation throughout Siberia. If 
Semenoff and Kalmakov could, with Allied help 
and encouragement, openly deride the Omsk Gov- 
ernment's orders, then it was clear to the uniniti- 
ated that the Allies were hostile to the Supreme 
Russian authority. If Semenoff and Kalmakov 
can wage successful hired resistance to orderly 
government, at the bidding of a foreign Power, 
why cannot we do so to retain the land and prop- 

291 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

erty we have stolen, and prevent the proper ad- 
ministration of justice for the crimes we have 
committed? Directly it became known that Seme- 
noff and Kalmakov had set the Omsk Government 
at defiance, numerous other would-be Semenoffs 
came on the scene, until the very residence of the 
Supreme Governor and his headquarter staff 
scarcely escaped attack, and it became necessary 
to show the British Tommy on the side of order. 
This was the position up to the early days of De- 
cember, 1918. 

Just about this time the fact that Germany was 
beaten began to take shape in the Japanese Mili- 
tary mind, followed immediately by the terms of 
the Armistice. The Japanese Mission at Omsk 
for some days flatly refused to believe the cables. 
Their national pride refused to admit that they 
had so far misunderstood the power of Britain 
and her Allies. It was a terrible awakening to the 
self-styled '* Lords of the East,'^ that all their 
schemes should be brought to nought, that British 
and American squadrons might be expected to 
cruise in the Sea of Japan, and perhaps hold the 
scales fair between her and her temporarily help- 
less neighbour. I do not suppose it will ever come 
to that, but such was her fear. From this time 
on, while the objects of Japan in Siberia are still 
the same, she pursues them by quite different 
methods. 

The first sign of change was that Japanese sol- 
diers were allowed to salute British officers. Jap- 

292 



JAPANESE POLICY AND ITS RESULTS 

anese soldiers were no longer allowed to nse the 
butts of their rifles on inoffensive Russian citi- 
zens. Their military trains no longer conveyed 
contraband goods to their compatriots, who had 
acquired the Russian business houses in the main 
trading centres along the railway. The Staff no 
longer commandeered the best buildings in the 
towns for alleged military purposes, immediately 
sub-let to private traders. Japan at once re-robed 
herself with the thin veil of western morals, and 
conduct, which slie had rapturously discarded in 
1914. While Hun methods were in the ascend- 
ancy, she adopted the worst of them as her own. 
She is in everything the imitator par excellence, 
and therefore apparently could not help herself. 

The British and French mildly protested 
against the attitude of Japan towards Semenoff 
and Kalmakov, but it was continued until the an- 
archy created threatened to frustrate every Al- 
lied effort. Not till the Peace Conference had dis- 
closed the situation did a change in policy take 
place. From this time on the conduct of Japan 
(both civil and military) became absolutely cor- 
rect. 

President Wilson brought forward his famous, 
but impossible, proposal that the different Rus- 
sian belligerents should agree to an armistice, and 
hold a conference on the Turkish ^'Isle of Dogs.'' 
If patriotism is the maintenance of such rules of 
human conduct and national life as will not justify 
one man in killing another, then no Russian pa- 

293 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

triot could meet in friendly conference those who 
had destroyed and murdered their own country 
and people. Russia during the last two years has 
shown that there can be no compromise between 
anarchy and order, or their several adherents. 
This was, however, the policy of America, and as 
such received the blessing of every representative 
Jew or Gentile of the United States of America 
in Siberia. Japan saw a kink in the American 
armour and took full advantage of the chance to 
damage U. S. A. prestige. She rallied Russian 
patriotism to her side by advising that no notice 
be taken of this ^^hairbrained'* suggestion. Ja- 
pan's advice received the secret blessing of both 
French and English, who knew the situation, 
though in our case we had to admit that the Brit- 
ish Premier had stood sponsor for this inter- 
national monstrosity. This gave Japanese diplo- 
macy its first clear hold upon Eussian patriotism, 
and enabled her to appear as a true friend of 
orderly government. American diplomacy in Rus- 
sia had received its first great shock ; with careful 
handling it was still possible to recover the lost 
ground. 

With the utter failure of the ^^sle of Dogs'' 
policy, Russian rage quickly subsided, and a nor- 
mal condition soon returned. The Allies had re- 
ceived a salutary warning, and most of them took 
the hint, but America continued on her debatable 
course. Having failed diplomatically to effect 
a compromise, she tried to force her views by mili- 

294 



JAPANESE POLICY AND ITS RESULTS 

tary means. The neutral zone system of lier 
commanders was the natural outcome of Presi- 
dent Wilson ^s proposal. The intention was excel- 
lent; that the results would be disastrous was 
never in doubt. It forced the American command 
to adopt a sort of local recognition of the Eed 
army within the zone, and enabled the Japanese to 
appear as the sole friend of Russian order. The 
Japanese were attacked by Red forces collected 
in these zones, with American soldiers standing 
as idle spectators of some of the most desperate 
affairs between Red and Allied troops. Japan 
was entitled to reap the kudos such a situation 
brought to her side, while America could not ex- 
pect to escape the severest censure. 

Profiting by the blunders of her great antag- 
onist, Japan managed in six months to riecover all 
the ground she had lost while suffering under the 
illusion of a great Hun victory that was to give 
her the Lordship of the East. From a blustering 
bandit she has become a humble helper of her 
poor, sick, Russian neighbour. In which role she 
is most dangerous time will show. The world as a 
rule has little faith in sudden conversions. 

This was the situation in the Far East in June, 
1919. As I was leaving Vladivostok I heard that 
the Red forces that had been organised in the 
American neutral zones had at last boldly attacked 
their protectors. If this is correct, it may be the 
reason why Admiral Kolchak was able to report 

295 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

their defeat and rout over the Chinese border, and 
we were back again at the point at which British 
and Czech do-operation had arrived a year pre- 
viously. 



296 



CHAPTER XXIV 



GENERAL CONCLUSIONS 



Befoee we decide our policy as to withdrawal 
or otherwise from Russia it is necessary to know 
whether we have contracted any obligations to the 
Russian people ; what is the nature of such of ob- 
ligations, if any; are they moral, military, or po- 
litical? 

Towards the end of 1914, when our Army had 
been driven back behind the Marne and the future 
of Europe and our Empire was in the balance, 
frantic appeals were made by British statesmen, 
and even by still more august authority, asking 
Russia to rush to our aid and save us from de- 
struction. This appeal was backed by British 
public and labour opinion, and through our Press 
made a profound impression upon the Russian 
people. The Russian Government, regardless of 
their best military advice, forced their partially 
mobilised legions to make a rapid flying raid into 
East Prussia, which immediately reduced the 
pressure upon our own armies and made the vic- 
tory of the Marne possible. Hurriedly mobilised, 
imperfectly equipped, not too brilliantly led, these 

297 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

legions, constituting the chivalry of Russia, be- 
came the prey of Prussia's perfect military ma- 
chine. The Russian Government has never dared 
to tell the Russian peasant the number of Russian 
souls who were mutilated by high explosives and 
smothered in the cold Masurian marshes in that 
sublime effort to save her friends. Russia lost as 
many men in saving Paris during that raid as all 
the other Allies in the first year of the war. 

Russia continued to fight and mobilise until 
1917, by which time she had collected a huge army 
of over 12,000,000 men. The Hohenzollern dy- 
nasty and its military advisers came to the conclu- 
sion that it would soon be impossible to stem this 
human tide by ordinary military means, and, hav- 
ing a complete understanding of Russian psychol- 
ogy, through its dynastic and administrative 
agents, decided to undermine the morale of the 
Russian people. German *^ Black Books" were 
not employed against British leaders exclusively. 
We need not wonder at the rapid spread amongst 
Russians of suspicion agaist their civil and mili- 
tary leaders when we remember that the same sort 
of propaganda admittedly influenced the adminis- 
tration of justice in England. The people of Rus- 
sia were true to their friends ; demoralisation and 
decomposition began at the head, rapidly filtering 
down to the lowest strata of society. 

If the Allied cause was deserted it was the de- 
sertion of a ruling class, not of a people or its 
army. German treachery wormed its way in at 

298 



GENERAL CONCLUSIONS 

the top and so destroyed a great race it never 
could have conquered. 

Having disorganised the Eussian military ma- 
chine, Germany sent her agents to continue the 
disorder and prevent recovery. She secured the 
Brest-Litovsk Treaty, and made a levy of several 
hundred millions sterling through her bailiffs who 
had been put in possession of her neighbour's 
property. Lenin and Trotsky found anarchy the 
most effective weapon to further the interest of 
their masters and protect their eastern flank. A 
peace which virtually extended German conquest 
to the hinterland of Tsing Tchau was dangerous 
to every civilising influence in the Far East. 

The Bolshevik treaty was not less dangerous 
to Europe herself, since it brought a warlike 
population of 180,000,000 within the sphere of 
German military influence. 

The British Expeditionary Force was ordered 
to Siberia in June, 1918, to assist the orderly ele- 
ments of Eussian society to reorganise themselves 
under a national Government, and to resurrect 
and reconstruct the Eussian front ; first, to enable 
Eussia to resist German aggression; secondly, to 
weaken German military power on the Western 
front, where at that time she was again delivering 
hammer blows at the gates of Paris. This expedi- 
tion was approved by every party and patriot in 
Britain, and the only criticism offered at the time 
was that it should have been so long delayed. 
Soviet power under German and Austrian direc- 

299 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

tion had released the German and Austrian pris- 
oners of war, armed and organised them into for- 
midable armies, to perform the double task of 
maintaining their creatures in power at Moscow 
and extending their domination over a helpless 
friendly Allied Power. 

There was every reason for treating the dicta- 
torship of Lenin and Trotsky as a mere side show 
of the German military party. They were, in fact, 
a branch of the military problem with which the 
Allies were bound to deal. Under Entente direc- 
tion anti-Bolshevik governments were established, 
and were promised the unstinted help of the Allies 
to recover their territory and expel the agents of 
the enemy who had so foully polluted their own 
home. It was on this understanding that Admiral 
Kolchak, by herculean efforts, hurled the German 
hirelings over the Urals, and awaited near Vatka 
the advance of the Allies from Archangel, pre- 
paratory to a march on Petrograd. Alas! he 
waited for seven long months in vain; the Allies 
never came. After expending his last ounce of 
energy and getting so near to final victory, we 
failed him at the post. Why? 

The menace to our own armies in France had 
disappeared. There was, I suppose, no longer 
any urgent necessity to re-establish the Russian 
front, though the possibility of such re-establish- 
ment had kept huge German forces practically de- 
mobilised near the Russian and Ukranian fron- 
tiers. Kolchak and his gallant comrade Denikin 

300 



GENERAL CONCLUSIONS 

had served the Entente purposes. Lenin and 
Trotsky, by wholesale intimidation and murder, 
had aroused the enthusiasm of similarly disposed 
compatriots in Allied countries. These compatri- 
ots were becoming noisy in the constituencies. The 
establishment of order to enable the Russian peo- 
ple to secure a clean Democratic Government 
and arise from their nightmare of unbridled an- 
archy, while very desirable in itself, was not a 
good party cry in any of the Western democracies. 
I grant all these things, but what about honour! 
Has this no longer any place in the political 
curriculum of the Allied Powers ? 

These are only some of the things it is neces- 
sary to remember before we finally decide to de- 
sert a temporarily sick friend. If I were the ruler 
of a State I should pray the gods to preserve me 
from half-hearted Allies and over-cautious 
friends. If I wished to help a fallen State or lend 
an honest hand in a great cause, whether it were 
to eradicate a hideous and fatal national malady 
or assert a principle of right and justice, first 
shield me from the palsy of Allied diplomacy. 
One clear-sighted, honest helper is worth a dozen 
powerful aiders whose main business is to put ob- 
stacles in each other's way. 

If we were discussing the question of Allied 
interference before the fact, I could give many 
reasons for remaining neutral, but we have to rec- 
ognise that for their own purposes they have in- 
terfered, that their military missions and forces 

301 



WITH THE "DIE-HARDS" IN SIBERIA 

have been operating in the country for over a 
year, during which time they have made commit- 
ments and given pledges of a more or less binding 
character. These commitments and pledges are 
not the irresponsible acts of subordinates on the 
spot, but have been made by Allied statesmen, 
both in and out of their several Parliaments, and 
in this respect our national leaders are no ex- 
ception to the rule. Without filling my pages with 
quotations, readers will be able to find and tabu- 
late such for themselves. So categorical is the 
nature of these that it is impossible to imagine 
them to have been made without fully understand- 
ing their import and significance to the orderly 
section of the Russian people who on the faith 
of these pledges gave us their trust. 

It cannot, therefore, be a discussion upon inter- 
ference or non-interference. That has long since 
been disposed of by our words and acts. It is now 
a question whether we shall withdraw from Russia 
because we have thought fit to change our atti- 
tude to the Russian problem. It is certain that 
our decision to-day upon this subject will decide 
our future relations with this great people. If 
you desert a friend in his hour of need, you can- 
not expect that he will be particularly anxious to 
help you when he has thrown off his ill-health and 
is in a position to give valuable help to those who 
gave succour in his distress. 

If our desertion turns this people from us, they 
302 



GENERAL CONCLUSIONS 

will become the prey of our recent enemies, and if 
that happens we can prate r.bout the Treaty of 
Paris as much as we like. The Teuton will have 
more than balanced the account. 



§03 



INDEX 



Absolutists, Eussian, 191 

Affinasiaif, General headquar- 
ters of, 204 

Allies, the, a Russian reaction 
against, 184 
policy for resurrection of 
Russia, 132, 133, 299 

All-Russian Government, the, 
formation of, 133, 138 

America and Siberia, 48 
and the Far East, 85 
her ''neutral zone" in the 
Suchan district, 282, 295 

American policy and its re- 
sults, 276 et seq. 

Americans arrive at Vladi- 
vostok, 74 
an agreement with Bolshe- 
viks, 279 et seq. 

Anghara River, 110 

Anglo-Russian infantry bri- 
gade, formation of, 251 

Antonovka, a critical position 
at, 45 
Cossack position at, 40 
Kalmakolf surprised at, 45 

Antonovsky, General, intrigues 
of, 191 

Archangel, an Anglo-American 
force at, 172 
failure of a projected march 
on Petrograd from, 173, 
300 

Argunoff exiled, 161 

Armistice betvreen Germany 
and Entente Powers, 147, 
292 

Armoured trains, a duel be- 
tween, 55 

Avkzentieff and Chernoff, 158 
exiled, 161, 289 



Avkzentieff and Chernoff, Pres- 
ident of Council of Min- 
isters, 135, 148 



BAiKAii, a titanic struggle at, 111 

arrival at, 110 
Baikal Sea (see Lake Baikal) 
Barabinsk, a meeting at, 226 

the market at, 225 
Bath, Captain, 51, 55, 59 
Beloff, General, intrigues of, 

190, 191 
Berwkoff, death of, 46 
Bezovsky, Colonel, and a Cos- 
sack parade, 259 
Blizzard, gales and frost in. 

Siberia, 201 
Bogotol, a meeting at, 222 
Bolderoff, General, 137, 138 
and Japanese demands, 164, 

289 
confers with Koltchak at 

Petropalovsk, 148 
in consultation with Czech 

National Council, 168 
in Japan, 289 
Bolsaar, lieutenant, 27, 45 
Bolshevik losses at Perm, 173 
method of military organisa- 
tion, 21 
Bolsheviks, an agreement with 
Americans, 248 
atrocities of, 25, 66, 107, 114, 

215, 231, 246, 271 
author's address to, 243 
disguised as Eussian soldiers, 

187 
recognised as legitimate bel- 
ligerents, 184 
successes of, 38 et seq. 



305 



INDEX 



Bolsheviks, their conception of 

treachery, 236 
train-wrecking by, 276 
utter demoralisation of, 72 
Boulton, Quartermaster-Captain, 

111 
Bowes, General, 194, 228 
Brest-Litovsk Treaty, the, 190 

298 
British Expeditionary Force or- 
dered to Siberia, 299 
British Military Mission placed 

under arrest, 78, 124 
Browne, Captain, 61 
Browne, Major, 23, 84, 87, 107, 

127 
inspects guards of honour at 

Krasnoyarsk, 127 
Buckley, Lieutenant, 65 
Budburg, von, and an alleged 

Allied force, 224 

Canadians arrive in Siberia, 
182 
insubordination among, 189 
Chernoff, President of Social 
Eevolutionary party, 158, 
171 
Chilliyabinsk, a visit to, 147 
Chinese Eastern Railway, Amer- 
ican control of, 85 
Chinese entertain British at 
Harbin, 92 
friendship for the English, 

105 
frontier. State prisoners con- 
veyed to, 161 
robber bands of Mongolia, 
79, 270 
Chita, an incident at, 107 

Bolshevik ''kultur" at, 108 
Japanese at, 113 
Royalist conspiracies at, 184 
Clark, Captain, and Dukoves- 

koie battle, 59, 63, 65 
Coleman, Sergeant, of the Dur- 
ham L.I., 241 
Comish-Bowden, Second Lieu- 
tenant, and the political 
exiles, 161 



Cossacks, horsemanship of, 259 
Czech National Army, the, pres- 
entation of colours to, 140, 
142 
Czechs, a tribute to their gun- 
nery, 42 
and the question of a Dicta- 
torship, 155 
defection of, 171, 237 
defensive tactics of, 38 
frustrate a Bolshevik scheme, 

180 
mutilated by Bolsheviks, 25 

Deniken, General, 152, 172, 300 
makes submission to Kolt- 
chak, 206 
Detriks, General, 147 

reports on military situation, 

21 
visits the front, 35 
Directorate and Government, 
members of, arrested, 153 
et seq. 
Directorate of Five, the, 131, 
132, 152 
dissolved, 158 
Dukoveskoie, a new line at, 51 

battle of, 61 
Dust-storms, Siberian, 253 
Dutoff, General, 168 

reports Bolshevik treachery, 
171, 197 

Easteb at Perm, 238 
Eastman, Captain, 127 
Education, the Church and, 262 
Edwards, Captain, 283 
Ekaterinburg, an invitation 

from, 140 
meetings of raUwaymen at, 

203 232 
Eliot, Sir Charles, British High 

Commissioner, 127, 131, 

182, 194, 228 
Elmsley, Brigadier-General, 182 
European Russia, a visit to, 233 
Frank, Colonel R. Antonivitch, 

author 's liaison officer, 54, 

61, 66, 68, 71, 104, 115, 121, 

141, 153, 157, 160, 209, 243 



306 



INDEX 



Frank, Colonel R. Antonivitch, 
an exciting incident at 
Krasnoyarsk, 216 
Frank, Madame, 209, 216, 218 
acts as correspondent and 
translator for labour mis- 
sions, 185, 230, 243 
commands a company in the 

trenches, 221 
conveys a Bolshevik victim to 
hospital, 270 
Frazer, David, Times corre- 
spondent, 133, 157 
French, the, and General 
Knox's mission, 166 
form a German Legion, 224 
"prestige" of, 194, 221, 

248 
protect Serbian ruffians, 221 
their influence in Omsk, 229 
French-Tonquin Batta,lion, the, 

88 
Fugi, General, and his com- 
mand, 104 

Gaida, General, 140, 142 
and Pepelaieff, 146 
arrests Czech soldiers, 171 
author's introduction to, 143 
captures Perm, 173 
resigns his Czech commission, 

172, 237 
surrender of Red Guards to, 
243 
Galitzin, General Count, 144, 
237 
and the Perm offensive, 173 
personality of, 145 
Ganin, General, a strange order 
from, 221 
and his command, 165, 166 
decorates Allied representa- 
tives, 183 
releases enemy prisoners, 224 
the Omsk Government and, 
167 
George V., King, letter to Pres- 
ident Wilson, 159 
German -Magyar-Chinese combi- 
nation, the, 79 



Germans, enterprise of, 241 
sanguine of victory in world 
war, 89 

''Germans of the East,'^ 78, 
293 

Ghondati, General, his hopes 
and fears, 273 

Glashoff, a seven months' wait 
at, 174, 300 

Golovaehoff, M., meets author, 
130 

Gordon, Regimental Sergt. -Ma- 
jor, 71, 230, 247 

Graves, General, and the Bol- 
sheviks, 279, 284 

Hackinsk, author at, 129 
Hampshire Territorials arrive 
at Omsk, 182 
move to Ekaterinburg, 251 
Harbin, author's reception at, 
91 
political and financial in- 
trigues in, 273 
question of travelling accom- 
modation at, 101 
Hazelar, a parade service at, 98 
Hepoff, General, a story of, 249 
Hingham Range, the, 94 
Hodgson, Mr., British consul, 

19, 229, 256 
Hong-Kong, ''Die-Hards' " 

departure from, 18 
"Hovart's Army," 91 

Imokentievskaya, a workmen 's 

meeting at, 212 
Inagaki, Colonel, 57, 60, 61 
" Intelligenzia, " the, 132 

(cf. Kerensky) 
International World Workers, 

the, 210 
Irkutsk, author opens his cam- 
paign at, 210 
arrival at, 113 

Bolshevik "kultur" in, 114 
Japanese traders at, 113 
much-needed rifles at, 208 
welcome to Middlesex Re^i- 
ment at, 114 



307 



INDEX 



Japan and the maritime prov- 
inces, 74, 84, 288 

her attitude to Siberians, 37 

intervention of, 47 et seq. 

policy in the Far East, 74 et 
seq., 164, 287 et seq. 
Japanese, a promise counter- 
manded, 49, 50 

and "class" carriages for 
British officers, 103 

and Semianofe, 169, 170, 269, 
291 

and the English flag, 105 

bugle band, a, 113 

casualties at Uukoveskoie and 
Kraevesk, 72 

changed attitude of, after the 
Armistice, 228, 292 

charge an armoured train, 67 

propaganda in Omsk, 185 

retire without notice, 53 

their contempt for Eussians, 
75 

their mistrust of Allies, 48, 
60, 74, 75 
Johnson, Lieut.-Colonel, and his 
command, 182 

introduced to Koltchak, 184 

Kalmakoff, Ataman, Cossack 
commander, ,27 
a forced retirement, 31 
dismisses his second in com- 
mand, 58 
Japanese orders, 291 
Kameragh, railway troubles at, 

203 
Kanaka, General, Japanese 

Chief of Staff, 49 
Kansk, an address to workmen 
at, 215 
revolt at, 214 
Katanaev, Lieut.-Colonel, placed 

under arrest, 160 
Kent, 283 
Kerensky destroys old Russian 

army, 126 
Kerensky and Korniloff, 151 
Intelligenzia party of, 132 
Russian opinion of, 133 



Khama River, evidences of Ter- 
rorist atrocities in, 246, 247 
moving ice on the, 245 
King, Lieutenant T. E., of Mid- 
dlesex Regiment, 47, 53 
Klukvinah, enemy defeat at, 216 
Knox, General, a conference 
with, 86 
a decoration for, 183 
and the railway revolt, 198 
at Taiga, 223 

inoculated against typhus, 234 
Japanese insult to, 78, 124 
object of his mission, 165 
patriotic speech by, 136 
removes to Ekaterinburg, 251 
Siberian tour of, 227 
tribute to, 257 
Koltchak, Admiral, accepts su- 
preme authority, 155, 156 
Allied felicitations, 183 
an unexpected conference 

with Bolderoff, 149 
and an Allied appointment, 

165 
and the arrest of members of 

the Council, 158 et seq. 
and the Czech ceremony, 140, 

143 
and the December revolt, 178 
and the Omsk coup d'etat, 151 
assurances on the labour prob- 
lem, 200 
author 's farewell interviews 

with, 254, 256 
becomes Minister for War, 

134 
impartial justice of, 267 
intrigues against, 196 et seq. 
on American policy in the 

Far East, 277 
orders arrest of Czechs, 171 
personality of, 138 
receives reports of author's 

mission, 226 
tenders his resignation, 139 
tribute to, 257 
visits Ural fronts, 140 
Korniloff, General, Kerensky 's 
order to, 151 

308 



INDEX 



Koulomsino, Bolsheviks at, 180 
Kraevesk, battle of, 70 
startling news from, 276 
"the station without a 

town," 26 
visited by author, 27 
Krasilnikoff, Lieut.-Colonel, 

placed under arrest, 160 
Krasnoyarsk, an incident at a 
banquet at, 127 
an interview with Gen. Eosa- 

noff at, 265 
arrival at, 127 
author's addresses at, 221 
Bolsheviks in, 204 
Colonel Frank wounded by 

Serbs at, 217 
derelict war material at, 127 
international intrigues at, 
221 
Kunghure front, a visit to the, 

146 
Kushva, evidences of Bolshevik 
rule in, 235 
mineral deposits of, 237 
The Bolshevik Commissar of, 

235, 236 
the Watkin Works and its he- 
roes, 236, 237 

I/AKE Bafkal, 108, 266 

an autumn sunrise on, 109 
Lebediff, Colonel (afterwards 
General), 151, 152, 178 
a warning to, 192 
Ledwards, Mr., British Vice- 

Consul at Nikolsk, 24 
Lenin, 205, 207, 301" 
Lisvin front, a visit to the, 145 

Machinery, German v. Eng- 
lish, 270 
Malley, Major, friendly rela- 
tions with, 36 
his command, 88 
Manchuli, a much-talked-of in- 
cident at, 101 
Bolshevik atrocities at, 271 
Japanese Division at, 100 
Manchuria, plains of, 89 



Manchurian-Chinese Eastern 

Kailway, the, 88 
Maneliurian front, conditions on 

the, 21 
Marca, author's Cossack at- 
tendant, 108 
Matkofsky, General, welcomes 

author at Omsk, 130 
Middlesex Regiment (25th Bat- 
talion) and battle of Du- 
koveskoie, 59 
leaves Hong-Kong for Sibe- 
ria, 18 
machine-gun section of, 47 
welcomed in Irkutsk, 114 
Mitchel, bravery of, 54 
Moffat, Petty Officer, his Naval 

party surrounded, 54 
Mongolia, pjains of, 94 
robber bands of, 79, 240 
Tartars of, 95 
the Japanese and, 269 
Mongolians ask Semianotf to 
become their Emperor, 268-9 
Moorman, Lance-Corporal, 149 
Morrisy, Lieut.-Colonel, of Ca- 
nadian contingent, 182 
Mosquitoes in Siberia, 33, 38, 43 
Munro, Lieutenant, brings com- 
forts for soldiers, 188 
Murray, Captain Wolfe, com- 
mands armoured trains 
from Suffollc, 230 
Muto, General, and Japanese 
propaganda, 186 

ISTadegenska, steelworks of, 239 

Nash, Consul, as host, 209 

NavY, the, artillery assistance 
bv, 41 

Neilson, Lieut.-Col. J. F., 157- 
160 

Nesniodinsk, an address to 
workmen at, 214 

Nevanisk, before and after Bol- 
shevik rule, 233 

Nicholas II., Tsar, abolishes 
vodka, 197 
his prison, 142, 231 
murder of, 291 



309 



INDEX 



ISTikolioff, Colonel, and surren- 
dered Bolsheviks, 243 
Nikolsk, a courteous station- 
master, 86 
arrival at, 24 
Bolshevik ''kultur" at, 25 

Japanese headquarters at, 49 
Niloy-ugol, the barracks at, 20 
Novo Nikoliosk, author at, 223 
enemy prisoners released at, 
224 



OiE, General, an urgent mes- 
sage from, 55-6 

headquarters of, 49 

thanks British, 72 
Olhanka, Czech and Cossack re- 
tirement from, 31 
Omsk, a coup d'etat in, 150 et 
seq. 

a dust-storm in, 253 

arrival at, 129 

blizzard, gales and frost in, 
201 

Canadians arrive at, 182 

comforts for the troops, 188 

disappearance of British in- 
fluence in, 228 

friendships formed at, 131 

terrible days in, 152 

the political situation in, 131 

revisited, 228 et seq. 
Otani, General, orders to au- 
thor, 72, 81 



Paris, a bombshell from, and 

the effect, 183 et seq. 
Paris Council, the, 165, 166 
and the pressure on French 
front, 48 
Pastokova, Madame, author 's 

meeting with, 248 
Pastrokoff, Mr., 248 

relates an incident of relief 
of Perm, 249 
Payne, Commodore, 20 

a paraphrased cable from 



Payne, Commodore, provides 

artillery assistance, 41 
Peacock, Consul, and the im- 
prisonment of an Austra- 
lian, 222 
Pepelaieff, General, confer- 
ence with, 145 
meets General Gaida, 146 
plight of his army, 250 
the Perm offensive, 173 
Perm, a French Mission ar- 
rives at, 247 
a meeting in railway works 

at, 247 
a suggested advance on, 120 
an incident of relief of, 250 
Bolshevik atrocities in, 246 
capture of, 167, 175 et seq. 
high prices and rate of ex- 
change at, 244 
increased wages under Bol- 
shevik rule, 245 
the opposing forces at bat- 
tle of, 230 
the Orthodox Easter celebra- 
tion at, 239 
Petrograd, failure of a project- 
ed march on, 174, 300 
Petropalovsk, an eventful con- 
ference at, 148 
Pichon, Major, and the Japa- 
nese commander, 49 
author's tribute to, 36 
consultation with author, 45 
his command, 35 
informs author of Armistice 

terms, 147 
thanked by author, 183 
Pickford, Brigadier, and the 

Canadian troops, 189 
Plisshkoff, General, and his 

command, 92 
Pomerensiv, Captain, a consul- 
tation with, 27 
a present from, 45 
Poole, General, 145 
Pootenseiff, General Evan, his 

farewell to author, 259 
Preston, Mr., British Consul at 
Ekaterinburg, 140 



310 



INDEX 



Preston, Mr., evidence as to 

Bolshevik outrages, 231 
Prickly heat, 19 



Renault, Monsieur, French rep- 
resentative at Omsk, 156 
Kenoff, General EvanofiP, 114 
a cipher message from, 190 
and the Japanese demands, 
257 
Eoberts, Captain, 65, 98 
Robertson, Colonel, 228, 229 
Rogovsky, exile of, 161 
Rosanoff, General, Bolderoff 's 
Chief of Staff, 164 
in command at Krasnoyarsk, 
265 
Royalist and Bolshevist con- 
spiracy, a, 176 et seq. 
Runovka, an entertaining duel 
at, 42 
Cossack position at, 32 
enemy success at, 41 
Russia, a political crisis in, 153 
et seq. 
a reaction against European 

Allies in, 184 
aim of Allied *' politicals " 

in, 132 
an unholy partnership in, 

205-6 
German treachery in, 265 
hard lot of workmen in, 118 
labour problem in, 197 
murder of the Tsar, 129 
peasantry of, 206 
railway troubles in, 196 
the herald of Spring in, 245 
the puzzle of Allied help to, 
225 
Russian Army, the, mutiny in, 
155 
''Bill of Rights, '^ the, 256 
democracy: the Soviet basis 

of, 80 
Headquarters, British in pos- 
session of, 178 
political exiles conveyed to 
Chinese frontier, 161 



Russians, emotionalism of, 116 
religious instincts of, 238 
Royalist sympathies of offi- 
cers, 186 

Sand dunes of Mongolia, 97 
Savinoff, trial of, 222 
Semianoff, Colonel, agent of 
Japanese traders, 113 
and the political exiles, 161 
makes submission to Kolt- 

chak, 268 
personality of, 268 
repudiates Koltchak's au- 
thority, 169, 206, 291 
revenue from railway car- 
riages, 101 
Serbian soldiers, an exciting 

adventure with, 217 
Sheep, Mongolian, 95 
iShmakovka, Allies at, 72 

armoured trains dispatched 

from, 42 
enemy centre at, 27 
Siberia, a belated expedition 
to, 18 e* seq. 
American policy and its re- 
sults, 276 et seq. 
and the Allies, 37 
arrival of Canadians in, 156 
derelict corn in, 88 
Government of, 131-132 
Japanese policy and its re- 
sults, 287 et seq. 
mosquitoes in, 33, 38, 43 
reason for British interven- 
tion in, 80, 299 
Siberian Cossack Regiment 

(2nd), parade of, 259 
Siberian Rifles, presentation of 

colours to, 146 
Sly, Mr., British Consul at Har- 
bin, 91, 101 
Social Revolutionary party, the, 
132 
a fateful proclamation by, 

158 
and the new army, 138 
Soldiers ' Councils established, 
171 



311 



INDEX 



Soviets and Eussian democracy, 

80 
Spascoe, author's headquarters 
at, 82 
British quarters at, 26 
Stephan, Captain (now Major), 
Czech commander, 26, 143 
his services to Allies, 36, 75 
Stephani, Captain, 157 
Stephanik, General, the Legion 

of Honour for, 183 
Suehan district, a neutral zone 

in, 282, 295 
SufolJc, 19, 20, 41, 230 
Sukin, M., 256 
Sungary, Eiver, 93 
Surovey, General, 78, 147 

releases Czech prisoners, 172 
iSvagena, an American-Bolshe- 
vik agreement at, 279 
arrival at, 26 
Czech retirement on, 46 
Japanese at, 51 

Taiga, a successful meeting at, 
222 

Taighill, Bolshevik destruction 
at, 234 

Tartar herdsmen, Mongolian, 95 

Terrorists {see Bolsheviks) 

Teutonic penetration and Bol- 
shevism, 80 

Titoff, trial of, 222 

Tomsk, the Siberian Districts 
Duma, 132 

Trotskj^, 205, 207, 301 

Tumen, author addresses work- 
men at, 231 

Typhus in European Russia, 234 

Ufa Directorate, the, 132 
United States {see America) 
Ural front, question of supplies 

for, 138 
Urals, the, mineral wealth of, 

113 
Uspenkie, 27 

Ussurie front, critical condi- 
tions on, 21 



Ussurie operations, completion 
of, 73 

Vackneah Turansky Works, 

the, 241 
Vatka, 173, 300 
Ventris, Major-Genera 1 F., 17 
Verzbitsky, General, 146 

and the battle of Perm, 173 
Vladimir, 65, 216 
Vladivostok, Americans arrive 
at, 74 
arrival of Canadians at, 188 
author ' s arrival at, 19 
Japanese arrival at, 49 
Japanese demands to Town 

Commander of, 288 
iron shipped to Japan, 289 
Volagodsky, President of Sibe- 
rian Council, 114, 135 
Volkov, Colonel, placed under 
arrest, 160 

Ward, Colonel John, a Bolshe- 
vik surrender and an ob- 
ject-lesson, 69 

a guard of soldier "monks,'' 
177 

addresses surrendered Red 
Guards, 243 

an interview with Major 
Pichon, 45 

an urgent message from Jap- 
anese commander, 55 

and December Royalist and 
Bolshevist conspiracy, 176 
et seq. 

and the Kraevesk affair, 278 

and the Omsk coup d'etat, 
151 et seq. 

appeals to working men and 
women at Irkutsk, 210 

arrives at Vladivostok, 19 

as administrator, 81 et seq. 

at banquet in honour of All- 
Russian Government, 134 

at Irkutsk, 113 

attends Allied commanders' 
council, 20 



312 



INDEX 



Ward, Colonel John, attends an 
Orthodox Easter celebra- 
tion, 239 

created a C.B., 231 

entrains for Ussurie front, 
22 

exciting experiences at Kras- 
noyarsk, 216 

experiences of the ** hidden 
hand," 89 

farewell interviews with Kolt- 
chak, 254, 263 

homeward bound, 263 

in European Russia, 233 et 
seq. 

inquiries into railwaymen 's 
grievances, 99 

leaves Hong-Kong for Sibe- 
ria, 18 

made an Ataman, 260 

oflS^cial reports on Omsk situ- 
ation, 157 et seq. 

officialdom — and a proposed 
attack, 29, 38, 44 

on the labour problem in 
Russia, 197 ei seq. 

ordered to Omsk, 86 

receives the Croix de Guerre, 
183 

reports result of his mission, 
198 



Ward, Colonel John, reuests re- 
moval of his headquarters, 
182 
revisits Omsk, 228 et seq. 
speech at Svagena, 25 
straight talk with a Japanese 

officer, 76 
the Manchuli incident and an 

explanation, 101 
visits a Tartar herdsman's 

abode, 97 
visits Ural fronts, 140 
witnesses a duel between ar- 
moured trains, 55 
Webb, Sergeant, death of, 65 
Wilson, President, his impos- 
sible proposal, 184, 293 
King George's letter to, 159 
Wolves, Mongolian, 95 
Women's suffrage, question of, 
262 



Zema, a stop at, and the cause, 
119 
a successful meeting at, 213 
houses searched and arms 
seized, 124 
Zenzinoff and Chernoff, 158 

exiled, 161 
Zochinko, General, 223, 224 



313 



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